1 1 Ἐγὼ εἶµαι / γλῶσσα τῆς ὡραίας ἀλήθειας, / δὲ µὲ σέρνει ἐκδίκηση λαοπλάνα[.] The Construction of Greek Identity by means of Antigypsyism (Kalfoglou Palamas) 1 Benedikt Wolf 1. Introduction The topic of this paper is the relation between antigypsyism 2 and the Greek nation. In order to examine the function of antigypsyism in the construction of the nation, I will analyse two literary texts, Alexandros Kalfoglou s Ithiki Stichourgia, completed in 1794, and the 6 th Logos from Kostis Palamas s Dodekalogos tou Gyftou, published in The analysis will be put into practice by using a version of critical theory which has been developed out of thoughts of the Frankfurt School by the so-called Wert- und Fetischkritik. This branch of marxist theory has not yet been employed within the context of antigypsyism. The term antigypsyism is conceived in this paper as the specific form of ideology in the sense employed by the critique of ideology which turns against those it calls gypsies, Zigeuner, gyftoi, katsiveloi, tsigganoi, athinganoi etc., constructing at the same time the identities it hates. Using the words gypsy, gyftos, katsivelos, tsigganos in this paper, I do not refer to Romani people, nor to actual people threatened by antigypsyism. By using these words I solely quote the discourse of antigypsyism. 3 In the following paper I will first try to sketch a critical theory of antigypsyism; I will, then, anlayse the function of the katziveloi/tzigganoi in Kalfoglou s Ithiki Stichourgia and the figure of the Gyftos in Palamas s 6 th Logos; lastly, I will try to draw some conclusions regarding the relationship between antigypsyism and the construction of Greek identity. 1 The analysis given in this paper is part of my M.A. thesis on the relation between antigypsyism and the Greek nation. 2 For a synopsis of the studies of antigypsyism until the year 1997 cf. Wippermann 1997: By using italic characters for these quotations of the discourse of antigypsyism I wish to denote their particular construction and place them at a distance from the main narrative. I consider the use of gender-aware language to be very important. At first view this would imply to talk about gyftoi/-isses. However quoting a discourse I have to quote it in total: to talk about gyftoi/-isses would mean to postulate visibility of women where their exclusion from visibility is constitutive of the discourse quoted (cf. Eulberg 2009: 43, note 7).
2 2 2. Critical Theory of Antigypsyism From the perspective of the materialist Wert- und Fetischkritik, the nation is seen as a fetish which originates from the processes of exchange employed by capitalism. 4 The moment things enter the sphere of circulation, they acquire an abstract quality: value. Value establishes the possibility of the exchange of things as commodities. Under the conditions of capitalist exploitation of value this abstract quality presents itself as nature, being in fact nothing more than a fetish. In exactly the same way the nation presents itself as nature. 5 Capitalism as a system of exchanges needs the framework of civil liberties, so that nominally equal owners of commodities are able to interact. To ensure these conditions of interaction the capitalist state needs the fetish of nation as its original ideology. Thus nationalism can be understood as a result of the development of capitalism on the level of Bewusstsein. The fetish of nation is constituted by means of exclusion of specific Others. Following the classical text about these processes of othering, Elemente des Antisemitismus. Grenzen der Aufklärung by Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, 6 two qualitatively different forms of othering have to be distinguished: racism and antisemitism. Whereas racism perceives others as inferiors, who are to be exploited, antisemitism perceives others as superiors, who in the view of fetishist consciousness know more, have more power, aspire to world domination and therefore existentially threaten the we of the nation. The objects of antisemitism are, in contrast to those of racism, threatened by fantasies of elimination, which have been put into practice through the Shoa. Adorno and Horkheimer put it as follows: [D]ie Neger will man dort halten, wo sie hingehören, von den Juden aber soll die Erde gereinigt werden [...]. 7 Antigypsyism seems to be a hybrid of the two basic forms of national othering. 8 Gypsies are seen by the hegemonic discourse on the one hand as filthy, poor etc., as people who do not want to work, i. e. as inferior people; on the other hand, they are viewed as border crossers who do not need to work, who have some kind of special knowledge at their disposal. This knowledge makes them, from the perspective of fetishist consciousness, superior. As a 4 For the following very short account of Marx s critique of value and fetish I have consulted the first chapter of the Kapital (Marx 2005: 49-98) and Grigat 2007: For the critique of the fetish nation: ibid., Adorno/Horkheimer 2006a. 7 Ibid., Grigat 2007: 312.
3 3 consequence they are threatened by fantasies of elimination, put into practice through the Porajmos. 9 By means of the historical analysis Franz Maciejewski gives in Elemente des Antiziganismus 10 we can detect a second dimension of the hybrid character of antigypsyism. On its way from the Middle Ages to modernity, the western subject splits off an old element of its own. The element split off contains everything related to the world as it was before the early modern age, not yet organised by territorial states. This old element of European culture is projected onto an identity which is constructed exactly for this purpose: the identity of gypsies. Gypsies are said to be non-sedentary and not to work. The aggression of antigypsyism is thus directed against a constitutive Other which concurrently represents an element of the self which has been split off. 3. The Function of the Tzigganoi/Katziveloi in Alexandros Kalfoglou s Ithiki Stichourgia Little is known about Alexandros Kalfoglou, the author of the Ithiki Stichourgia. 11 From the Stichourgia s title we know that he was from Constantinople. A note given after the last verse in the two most important manuscripts gives the date of its completion, 7 January Apart from the Stichourgia only three other poems can be confidently identified as Kalfoglou s works. 13 The Ithiki Stichourgia is a satirical poem about Wallachia s society at the end of the 18 th century. An old man from Constantinople writes, as stated in the proem, 14 a νουθεσία 15 by letter to his young nephew, who stays in Wallachia. The satirical description of Wallachia s 9 For the term Por(r)ajmos cf. Leichsenring My formulation which seems to parallelize Shoa and Porajmos should not be mistaken as an equalisation. The singularity of Shoa can not be denied. The eliminative element of the Porajmos is fundamentally antisemitic. For the discussion about the question of the singularity of Shoa and/or Porajmos cf. Wippermann 1997: , Bauer 1998 and Rose Maciejewski Maciejewski is not to be seen as part of the Wert- und Fetischkritik. He belongs, however, to the tradition of the Frankfurt School (see his reference to the title of Adorno/Horkheimer 2006a), above all to its psychoanalytic traits. 11 Kalfoglou There is only one more edition of the Ithiki Stichourgia, the editio princeps by G. P. Kremos, Leipzig 1870 (Kalfoglou 1870). This edition is collated from one manuscript, which contains only a part of the text (Bouboulidis 1967: 6, cf. Kremos 1870: VIII-X). 12 Kalfoglou 1967: 54, cf. Bouboulidis s apparatus. 13 Bouboulidis 1967: 5 seq. For Kalfoglou s life and work cf. Kremos 1870: VIII f. and Bouboulidis For bibliography cf. Meraklis/Paradeisi 2008: Kalfoglou 1967: Here and in the following I quote Kalfoglou 1967 by verse numbers. 15 Ibid., 6 ( instruction ).
4 4 society not only satirizes the Wallachian inhabitants moral corruption but also the satirical attitude itself. The aim of the nouthesia is not to keep the nephew away from the moral decay but to provide an advantage in knowledge for the nephew, so as to give him the possibility to collect more money than his competitors and go back to Constantinople a rich man. In a section of the poem following the proem 16 the satirical I allegorizes the state of Wallachia using the picture of a µονόφθαλµη γελάδα, 17 which is visited by people coming from wide and far to milk it. This allegory, which quotes in some way the golden calf of the Old Testament, clearly distinguishes the state of Wallachia from the imagined community 18 of the modern nation state. The allegorical cow does not discriminate between foreigners and natives. Such a differentiation is, in general, present in the Ithiki Stichourgia on a terminological level; however, the text does not answer clearly the question of who should be considered a foreigner and who should not. Among the actors we can identify three groups: first are the Πολῖται ; 19 second, the foreigners par-excellence, that is the Νέµτζοι, 20 Ροῦσοι 21 and most notably the Φράγκο[ι] 22 and Φραντζέζοι, 23 and third the Romanian speaking subjects of the principality, the ἐντ[ό]π[ιοι] 24 or Βλάχοι. 25 It should be acknowledged that there is some confusion between these categories: Whereas the Politai and the entopioi are distinguished from the xenoi according to the criterion of their origin, the xenoi are distinguished from the other groups by means of the language they speak. A discrete group of graikoi or romioi can not be discerned. Thus, the picture the Ithiki Stichourgia presents is determined by the allegorical description of the state as a half-blind cow whose only purpose is to be exploited. The interactors in the framework of this state are not classified according to nationalities but by means of their position towards the state. This pre-national tendency can be retraced at a textual level. The Greek of the Ithiki Stichourgia is virtually riddled with borrowings from Turkish and from Romanic and Slavic languages. In this setting a last group of actors can be distinguished, the so called Τzigganoi or Κatziveloi. We have to keep in mind that the objects of antigypsyism in the two Danubian Principalities are held as slaves from the early 15 th century until the year 1855 in Moldavia 16 Ibid., Ibid., 17 ( one-eyed cow ). 18 Anderson E. g. Kalfoglou 1967: 159 ( inhabitants of Constantinople ). 20 E. g. ibid., 623 ( Germans ). 21 E. g. ibid. ( Russians ). 22 E. g. ibid., 265 ( Franks ). 23 E. g. ibid., 557 ( Frenchmen ). 24 E. g. ibid., 399 ( natives ). 25 E. g. ibid., 339 ( Vlachs ).
5 5 and 1856 in Wallachia. 26 They were the possession of either the state itself or a monastry or a private person. They could be sold, bought and donated like commodities. This does not mean, however, that they were all bound to the land like serfs. Most of the slaves belonging to the state and part of the slaves belonging to the monastries were nomads liable to taxation. The Ithiki Stichourgia now ascribes to this people a certain and specific ability. To have Tzigganoi/Katziveloi as a property means to have a luxury lifestyle. In the context of a description of a kokona 27 who dreams about a future husband who is able to provide such a luxury lifestyle for her, the things she desires are listed as follows: Ζαριφλίκια, µόδας θέλει, νούρι, κάλλος κ εὐµορφιὰ κ εὐγενεῖς νέους τῆς µόδας καθ ἑκάστην συντροφὰ καὶ κορίτζια καὶ δαντάδες καὶ Τζιγγάνους δεκαπτά, ὅπου θέλει νὰ πηγαίνῃ καὶ ποτὲ δὲν σ ἐρωτᾷ. 28 (Kalfoglou 1967: ) However, the Τzigganoi here are not merely a luxury good. The kokona wants to have Tzigganoi in order to become independent from her future husband. The impact of Tzigganoi on the gender relations becomes clearer when the speaker compares women in Wallachia to those of Constantinople: Ἐκεῖ [sc. εἰς τὴν Βλαχία] λέξεις, ἔργ ἀχρεῖα Κατζιβέλων πάντ ἀκοῦν κ ἐδῶ [sc. εἰς τὴν Πόλιν] µ ἔργα τῶν χειρῶν των εἰς τὸ σπίτι κατοικοῦν. [...]/[...] Καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα εἰς τὴν Πόλιν ὡς αὐθέντην ὑπακοῦν κεῖ κοκόνες µὲ τὸν ἄνδρα πάντοτε φιλονικοῦν. 29 (Kalfoglou 1967: ) The gypsies words tend to result in the reversal of gender relations. Both luxury and this reversal of gender relations are a consequence of the impact of western European ideas, more specially those of the French Enlightenment: Κατακρίσεις, γλωσσαλγίαι κάθε συναναστροφή, τὴν συκοφαντίαν ἔχουν µεζελίκι καὶ τροφή. Τοῦτο γίνεται σχολεῖον εἰς τἀθῷα των παιδιά, τὰ ὁποῖα ἀνατρέφει κακῶν δούλων συνοδιά For the following: Soulis 1961: 162, Marushiakova/Popov 2004, Reemtsma 2004: 578 f. and Petcut n. d. 27 noble lady (cf. Bouboulidis 1967a s. v. κοκόνα). 28 She wants elegance, fashion, charm, beauty and prettiness / and noble, fashionable boys everyday as her company / and maids and nurses and 17 gypsies, / so she can go wherever she wants and does never ask you for it. 29 There [sc. in Wallachia] they always hear the gypsies words and idle works / and here [sc. in Constantinople] they sit at home and do hand work. / [...] / [...] / And they obey their husbands in Constantinople as their masters; / there the ladies always have fights with their husbands. 30 All the conversations are just blasphemies and gossip / they are nourished by hypocrisy. / This becomes an example for their innocent children / which are raised in the companionship of bad slaves.
6 6 (Kalfoglou 1967: ) Λέγουν «ἔχοµεν βιβλία καὶ ροµάντζα γαλλικά ὅλα τἆλλα τὰ βιβλία εἶναι µελαγχολικά. Εἴµεθα πεφωτισµένοι, φιλοσόφων µαθηταὶ καὶ οἱ συγγραφεῖς οἱ πρώην ἦτον ὅλ ὑποκριταί!» 31 (ibid., ) Here the duty of transferring the bad influence of French Enlightenment from the adults to the children is attributed to the douloi. The picture becomes transparent when we learn what is going on in the background of the luxury table which is ἀνοικτόν 32 for all xenoi: Ἀγαποῦσι Φράγκον, Νέµτζον διὰ µιὰ διατριβὴ καὶ Φραντζέζον φωτισµένον, λιβερτῖνον, ἀσεβῆ. Κάθε ξένον ἐλευθέρως ς τὸ τραπέζι προσκαλοῦν[.] [...]/[...]/[...] Εἰς κάθε τραπέζι βλέπεις φαγητῶν ὑπερβολές, πλὴν νὰ δγῇς τὸ µαγειρεῖον, χοιροκούµασο τὸ λές. υὸ - τρεῖς µάγειροι Τζιγγάνοι, µαῦροι δαίµονες νυκτός, ἂν τοὺς δγῇς ς τὸ µαγειρεῖον θὲ νὰ σ ἔλθῃ ἐµετός. Ὅθεν εἶναι µακρυσµένον ὡς σπιτίου χαβαλές, ἐπειδὴ βρωµᾷ µακρόθεν, διεγείρει τὲς χολές. 33 (Kalfoglou 1967: ) The Tzigganoi work in a place which has to be distant from the table. The result of the work of the Tzigganoi is, at first view, the opulence of food. Thus, they create the space for the interaction of the Politai and the xenoi. Their place of work as well as the work itself is described in terms of the well-known stereotypes of antigypsyism: They are said to be dirty and to stink. At the same time, they are compared to pigs. The pig is one of the oldest pictures of anti-judaism for the Jews. Lastly, they are presented as wizards (there is a wordplay with µάγειροι, µαγειρεῖον 34 and µάγος, µαγεία 35 ) with a special relationship to the dark powers of night. A few verses after the quoted comparision of women in Wallachia and Constantinople, the tendency of reversal, which is attributed to the gypsies, is radicalized: Ἄρχοντες ς τοὺς δρόµους τρέχουν, ἐνδεεῖς περιπατοῦν, διὰ ἕνα γεµεκλίκι ἕνα κι ἄλλον ἀπατοῦν. [...]/[...]/[...]/[...] 31 They say: We have got French books and romances; / all the other books are melancholic. / We are enlightened, disciples of philosophers / and the writers of yesterday, they are all hypocrites. 32 Kalfoglou 1967: 270 ( open ). 33 They love to have a Frank, a German at their entertainments / and an enlightened Frenchmen, a libtertine, a godless man. / They generously invite every foreigner to their table[.] / [...] / [...] / [...] / At every table you can see an opulence of food, / but when you have a look at the kitchen you think it is a pigsty. / Two or three gypsy cooks, black demons of the night, / when you see them in the kitchen, you have to vomit. / That is why the kitchen is distant from the house like something annoying, / because it stinks from afar, it turns the stomach. 34 cooks, kitchen. 35 wizard, magic.
7 7 Ὅσοι ς τὴν Βλαχιὰ ἐζοῦσαν µ ἐγλεντζέδες, µὲ τιµή, τώρα εἰς τὴν Πόλιν τρώγουν κολοκύθι µὲ ψωµί. 36 (Kalfoglou 1967: ) Wallachia appears to be a carnevalist region in the sense Bakhtin has given to the concept of carnival. 37 Wallachia appears as a carnivalist feast, as an exceptional situation in which the social roles are exchanged. 4. The Gyftos of the 6 th Logos of Palamas s Dodekalogos tou Gyftou In the 6 th Logos of his Dodekalogos tou Gyftou Palamas drafts a dialectical scheme. At the moment of the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Empire two groups appear γύρω σὲ µιὰ φωτιά : 38 the group of the Christians on the one hand, who burn the works of Georgios Gemistos, and the group of the pagans on the other hand. The Gyftos appears as a watching third. Both groups enunciate their point of view in a dramatic rhesis. After that the Gyftos in his rhesis formulates the synthesis according to the scheme of definite negation. In his rhesis the Gyftos does not aggree with either of the two groups, but calls both of them εἰδωλολάτρες. 39 He rejects both positions towards Greece and at the same time the verbal codes they go with: Ποῦ εἶν ἡ Σπάρτη; ὲν τὴν ξέρω. Ξέρω / τὸ Μυστρᾶ. Κ ἡ Πόλη ἡ κοσµοξάκουστη / τώρα τούρκισσα κι αὐτη. 40 But out of the σκλαβιὲς 41 of Romiosyni and the θάνατο[ι] 42 of ancient Greece arise ζωὲς ἄλλες. 43 In the wording of his synthesis the two theses are not eliminated but sublated (aufgehoben): κ εἶναι σὰν Ἀπόλλωνες οἱ Σταυρωµένοι, / τῶν Ὀρφέων κρατᾶν τὶς λύρες οἱ Χριστοί. 44 To carry into effect this synthesis, the two groups have to be propitiated according to a Dionysian princple as it is put in Nietzsche s Die Geburt der Tragödie aus dem Geiste der Musik: Noble men run on the streets, destitute they go around, / for something to eat they cheat everybody. / [...] / [...] / [...] / [...] / Whoever was once living in Wallachia with merriments and honour, / is now in Constantinople eating pumpkin with bread. 37 Cf. Bakhtin 1984, 1984a and Lachmann Palamas : 356 ( Round a Pyre ; translations of Palamas here and in the following: Palamas 1975). In the following I quote Palamas s 6 th Logos (Palamas : ) by verse numbers. 39 Ibid., 134 ( idolators ). 40 Ibid., ( And Sparta is a name. I know her not / I know Mistra. And the world-famous City / Is Turkish, even she. ) 41 Ibid., 194 ( servitudes ). 42 Ibid., 193 ( deaths ). 43 Ibid., 196 ( new lives ). 44 Ibid., 215 seq. ( The Crucified resembles bright Apollo / And Christ from Orpheus receives the lyre ). 45 An derselben Stelle hat uns Schopenhauer das ungeheure Grausen geschildert, welches den Menschen ergreift, wenn er plötzlich an den Erkenntnisformen der Erscheinung irre wird, indem der Satz vom Grunde, in
8 8 Κ ἕνα φῶς ἀπ τὴν Ἀνατολὴ τρύπησε τῆς ύσης τὴν κατάχνια παντοῦ ἡ σάρκα, παντοῦ ἡ τρέλα κ ἡ ἡδονή! 46 (Palamas : ) The result of this Dionysian propitiation is the ideal people that the Gyftos sees in a kind of vision: κ ηὗρα σὰν πρωτάρη ἕνα λαό[.] [...] / [...] ὲν τὰ ξέρει τὰ βιβλία, καὶ εἶν ἀκράταγος, καὶ τ ἀγάλµατα δὲν ἔχει τῶν πολύθεων, στὰ ταµπούρια τἄχει τὰ σκολειά, κ ἔχει γνώµη, κ ἔχει δύναµη, καὶ θέλει τὰ λεβέντικα τραγούδια του τὰ ζῇ, κι ὁ ἴδιος εἶναι σὰν ἀγάλµατα θεϊκά. 47 (Palamas : ) The picture of this Dionysian people can be painted by the Gyftos because he is not part of it: Θλιβερός, ἀργός, βαριεστισµένος, σὰν ἀπὸ καραβοτσάκισµα, τράβηξα νὰ ζήσω µὲ τ ἀγρίµια, κ ἔφερα τὴ µούλα µου κατάνακρα κ ἔστησα τὴν τέντα µου κατάψηλα σὲ ρουµάνια καὶ σὲ στενορρύµια. 48 (Palamas : ) Here, for the first time in the 6 th Logos the Gyftos is portraited as a gypsy. He appears as a nomad, who is in contact with nature and animals, as a hermit, who seems to have a lot of common traits with Nietzsche s Zarathustra, as he is introduced at the beginning of Also sprach Zarathustra. 49 The similarity of Palamas s Gyftos and Nietzsche s Zarathustra becomes even more lucid in the course of the last two stanzas of the Gyftos s rhesis: irgendeiner seiner Gestaltungen, eine Ausnahme zu erleiden scheint. Wenn wir zu diesem Grausen die wonnevolle Verzückung hinzunehmen, die bei demselben Zerbrechen des principii individuationis aus dem innersten Grunde des Menschen, ja der Natur emporsteigt, so tun wir einen Blick in das Wesen des Dionysischen, das uns am nächsten noch durch die Analogie des Rausches gebracht wird. Entweder durch den Einfluß des narkotischen Getränkes, von dem alle ursprünglichen Menschen und Völker in Hymnen sprechen, oder bei dem gewaltigen, die ganze Natur lustvoll durchdringenden Nahen des Frühlingserwachen jene dionysischen Regungen, in deren Steigerung das Subjektive zu völliger Selbstvergessenheit hinschwindet. (Nietzsche 1972: 24 seq.; emphasis in original). 46 From out the East a ray of luminiscence / Has pierced the fog-banks of the Western shore, / On every side joy, madness and desire! 47 [And I found] [a] nascent and still undeveloped people[.] / [...] / [...] // A self-reliant folk that knows no books, / That has no idols of the polytheists, / And whose high strongholds are its only schools; / It has a mind, a power and a will; / Its men look like the statues of the gods / And live by their own ballads valiant rules. 48 Sad, dejected and discouraged, / Like a lost and shipwrecked sailor, / I went to live among the wild-beast packs; / I drove my mule towards the topmost crests / And I pitched my tent high up / Amid the gorges and the forest tracks. 49 Nietzsche 1968: 5 seq.
9 9 κι ὠνειρεύτηκα νὰ ζήσω στὸ πλευρό τους µὰ ὡς κι αὐτοὶ µοῦ κράξαν : «Γύφτε, τράβα!» Ἂς µὲ διώξαν. Τοὺς δοξάζω. Ἐγὼ εἶµαι γλῶσσα τῆς ὡραίας ἀλήθειας, δὲ µὲ σέρνει ἐκδίκηση λαοπλάνα[.] 50 (Palamas : ) The Gyftos s isolation originates from a rejection. The truth, whose glossa the Gyftos is, presupposes the absence of revenge. This peculiar conjunction of truth and revenge becomes clear against the background of the chapter Von den Taranteln 51 Zarathustra: from Also sprach [...] [D]ie ihr die Seelen drehend macht, ihr Prediger der Gleichheit! Taranteln seid ihr mir und versteckte Rachsüchtige! / [...] / Darum reisse ich an eurem Netze, dass eure Wuth euch aus eurer Lügen- Höhle locke, und eure Rache hervorspringe hinter eurem Wort Gerechtigkeit. / Denn dass der Mensch erlöst werde von der Rache: das ist mir die Brücke zur höchsten Hoffnung [...]. (Nietzsche 1968: 124) Nietzsche in his short text on revenge Elemente der Rache in Menschliches, allzu Menschliches 52 defines revenge as self-defence with the purpose of self-preservation and as re-establishment of a disturbed equilibrium between the subject and the object of revenge. With this definition revenge becomes the core of law. With their rejection of ekdikisi/rache both, the Gyftos and Zarathustra reject law. In the passage of Also sprach Zarathustra quoted above Zarathustra establishes a relationship between revenge and truth by the Tarantulas Lügen-Höhle. The Gyftos is located outside law and is able to proclaim the Dionsysian nation s truth from this position of an outlaw. 5. Conclusion: The Function of Antigypsyism in the Construction of Greek Identity In Kafloglou s Ithiki Stichourgia the gypsies have the function of creating a space for the transfer of the ideas of western European Enlightenment to Wallachia and to cause a process of carnivalisation. Through an analysis of the function of the gypsies the process of generalisation of capitalist subjectivity based on the principle of value can be made clear. In the pre-national state of Wallachia, whose status as a fetish is laid open by the allegory of the 50 And I dreamed that I would also join these men... / But they, too, shouted at me: Gypsy, go! // Though they rejected me, I praise them still. / I am the tongue of radiant Truth in which / No self-absorbed vindictiveness can dwell. 51 Nietzsche 1968: Nietzsche 1967:
10 10 cow, carnivalisation makes people equal by the carnivalist exchange of social roles and thus paves the way for the establishment of the fetishist nation. In Palamas s 6 th Logos this process of generalisation of capitalist subjectivity is already completed. The fetishist nation now needs an out-law in the literal sense of a position outside of civic order. This constitutive position is filled by the Gyftos, who is because of the specific structure of antigypsyism predestinated for this position and can thus tell the constitutive truth of the nation, which is thought as the Dionysian principle of a community mobilized by collective delirium. In the function of the gypsies in both texts the two elements which according to Adorno and Horkheimer characterise basically the process of Enlightenment, mythos and logos, 53 are crossed. The critique of antigypsyism can thus be an important key to the critique of the fetish nation and to the analysis of the dialectic of Enlightenment itself. References a. Primary literature: Kalfoglou (Κάλφογλου), Alexandros (1870): Ἠθική στιχουργία, in: G. P. Kremos (Κρέµος) (ed.): Ἐπιστολαὶ Γ. Π. Κρέµου καὶ Ἠθικὴ στιχουργία Α. Κ. Βυζαντίου, Leipzig: Τυπογραφείον Ο. Βιγάνδου, (1967): Ἠθική Στιχουργία in: Faidon K. Bouboulidis (Μπουµπουλίδης) (ed.): Φαναριώτικα κείµενα, vol. 2, Athens: private print, Nietzsche, Friedrich (1967): Menschliches, Allzumenschliches. Ein Buch für freie Geister. Zweiter Band, in: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 4,3, Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari (ed.), Berlin: de Gruyter, (1968): Also sprach Zarathustra. Ein Buch für Alle und Keinen, Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 4,3, Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari (ed.), Berlin: de Gruyter. (1972): Die Geburt der Tragödie aus dem Geiste der Musik, in: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, vol. 3,1, Giorgio Colli and Mazzino Montinari (ed.), Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, Palamas (Παλαµάς), Kostis ( 2 ): Ο ωδεκάλογος του Γύφτου, in: Ἅπαντα, vol. 3, Idryma Kosti Palama (Ίδρυµα Κωστή Παλαµά) (ed.), Athens: Μπίρης, (1975): The Twelve Words of the Gypsy, Memphis: Memphis State University Press. b. Secondary literature: 53 Adorno/Horkheimer 2006.
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