EDUCATION-WORK TRANSITIONS IN TIMES OF FINANCIAL CRISIS:

EDUCATION-WORK TRANSITIONS IN TIMES OF FINANCIAL CRISIS: COMPARING GERMANY AND GREECE IN EUROPEAN AND INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE Workshop Dialogue with Higher Education in Southern Europe Programme German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD) 17-18 December 2013 UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning (UIL), Hamburg

CONTENT PROGRAM 4 ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ 6 PROGRAMM 8 THE OCCUPATIONAL CHALLENGES OF MODERN EDUCATION IN TIMES OF CRISIS: REFLECTIONS ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CULTURE AND EDUCATION IN MODERN GREECE AND EUROPE [EN] 10 Assoc. Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Karavakou, University of Macedonia VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE AND COUNSELLING IN SECONDARY EDUCATION 13 Dipl. Päd. Jessica Rother, University of Hamburg KEY COMPETENCES AND TRANSVERSAL SKILLS AS A MEANS FOR TRANSITIONS IN TIMES OF CRISIS. THE ROLE OF GUIDANCE IN THEIR DEVELOPMENT. 17 Prof. Dr. Ioanna Papavassiliou-Alexiou, University of Macedonia DIAGNOSTICS AND PEDAGOGICAL SUPPORT OF VOCATIONAL ACTION COMPETENCE WITHIN VOCATIONAL ORIENTATION, EDUCATION AND TRAINING IN GERMANY 22 PD Dr. Burkhard Vollmers, University of Hamburg TRANSITIONS FROM SCHOOL TO WORKING LIFE: PREREQUISITES FOR PEOPLE LIVING WITH DISABILITY [EN] 28 Prof. Dr. Lefkothea Kartasidou, University of Macedonia READINESS FOR VOCATIONAL EDUCATION AND TRAINING - A REASONABLE CATEGORY OF PRE-VOCATIONAL EDUCATION? 36 Prof. Dr. Werner Kuhlmeier, University of Hamburg AUSBILDUNGSREIFE EINE SINNVOLLE ZIELKATEGORIE DER BERUFLICHEN BILDUNG? (FULL TEXT GERMAN) 39 Prof. Dr. Werner Kuhlmeier, University of Hamburg ΩΡΙΜΌΤΗΤΑ ΓΙΑ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΉ ΚΑΤΆΡΤΙΣΗ. ΈΧΕΙ ΝΌΗΜΑ ΑΥΤΌΣ Ο ΣΤΌΧΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΠΑΓΓΕΛΜΑΤΙΚΉΣ ΕΚΠΑΊΔΕΥΣΗΣ (FULL TEXT GREEK) 47 Prof. Dr. Werner Kuhlmeier, University of Hamburg

DIE ENTWICKLUNG DER UNTERNEHMENSKULTUR FÜR DIE SELBSTSTÄNDIGE ERWERBSTÄTIGKEIT. EIN WEG FÜR DEN ÜBERGANG ZWISCHEN BILDUNG UND BERUF (FULL TEXT GERMAN) 55 Prof. Dr. Athanasios Belidis, Alexander Technological Educational Institute of Thessaloniki ΕΠΙΧΕΙΡΗΜΑΤΙΚΉ ΕΚΠΑΊΔΕΥΣΗ ΣΤΗΝ ΑΝΩΤΆΤΗ ΕΚΠΑΊΔΕΥΣΗ Η ΠΕΡΊΠΤΩΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΑΛΕΞΆΝΔΡΕΙΟΥ ΤΕΙ ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΊΚΗΣ. (FULL TEXT GREEK) 61 Αθανάσιος Μπελίδης, ΑΤΕΙΘ CAREER DEVELOPMENT OF GREEK COLLEGE STUDENTS AND THEIR TRANSITIONS TO EMPLOYMENT [EN] 66 Natalia Moutopoulou, M.A. University of Macedonia FROM EDUCATION TO THE LABOUR MARKET IN CONTEMPORARY GREEK SOCIO- ECONOMIC REALITY: YOUTH TRANSITIONS IN CRISIS [EN] 70 Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Deliyianni-Kouimtzi, Aristoteles University of Thessaloniki THE RELEVANCE OF GENDER IN SCHOOL-BASED VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE AND CAREER EDUCATION [EN] 76 Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, University of Hamburg NOTES 81 INFORMATION FOR PARTICIPANTS 82 ΠΛΗΡΟΦΟΡΊΕΣ ΓΙΑ ΣΥΜΜΕΤΈΧΟΝΤΕΣ 84 THINGS TO DO IN HAMBURG DURING YOUR STAY! 86 WORKSHOP ORGANISATION 88 WE THANK OUR SPONSORS FOR THEIR VALUABLE SUPPORT 88 ΔΙΟΡΓΆΝΩΣΗ ΣΕΜΙΝΑΡΊΟΥ 89 ΘΈΛΟΥΜΕ ΝΑ ΕΥΧΑΡΙΣΤΉΣΟΥΜΕ ΤΟΥΣ ΧΟΡΗΓΟΎΣ ΜΑΣ ΓΙΑ ΤΗΝ ΠΟΛΎΤΙΜΗ ΥΠΟΣΤΉΡΙΞΉ ΤΟΥΣ: 89

PROGRAM TUESDAY, DECEMBER 17 09:30 Words of welcome Prof.(Hon), Dr. h. c. mult. Arne Carlsen, UNESCO-UIL Director Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, University of Hamburg Prof. Dr. Ioanna Papavasileiou-Alexiou, University of Macedonia 10:00 Getting started: Ζήσε την ελληνική εμπειρία! Die Welt auf griechische Art erleben! Experience the Greek way of doing things! Efsevia Antoniadou, Konstantina Antoniou, Anastasia Tsouni, students at the University of Macedonia (Coordination of all student contributions: Nikolaos Papathanasiou, Ph.D. student) 11:00 Coffee break 11:30 Transitions to adulthood in Europe: changes and continuities [EN] Prof. Dr. Lynne Chisholm, UNESCO-UIL and University of Innsbruck (Austria) 12:00 The occupational challenges of modern education in times of crisis: Reflections on the relationship between culture and education in modern Greece and Europe [EN] Assoc. Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Karavakou, University of Macedonia 12:30 Vocational guidance and counselling in secondary education [EN] Dipl. Päd. Jessica Rother, University of Hamburg 13:00 Lunch in the University of Hamburg canteen, followed by a tour of the university campus 15:00 Competences and transversal skills as a means for transitions in times of crisis. The role of guidance in their development [EN] Prof. Dr. Ioanna Papavasileiou-Alexiou, University of Macedonia 15:30 Assessing and fostering the social competences of young disadvantaged people in transition from school to vocational education diagnostic tools and their policy context in Germany [EN] PD Dr. Burkhart Vollmers, University of Hamburg 16:00 Transitions from school to working life: prerequisites for people living with disability [EN] Prof. Dr. Lefkothea Kartasidou, University of Macedonia 16:30 Coffee break 4

17:00 Working together: Ένα βήμα μπροστά! (?) Vorwärts!(?) Step ahead!(?) Virginia Politi, Dimitra Tsarava, Vasilios Xristidis, students at the University of Macedonia 18:30 Dinner at the University of Hamburg, Von-Melle-Park 8, room 420. The catering will be provided by an integration project at the vocational school Uferstraße (http://www.bs-uferstrasse.hamburg. de/index.php/). WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 18 09:30 Readiness for vocational education and training is this a meaningful and useful concept in pre-vocational education? [DE] Prof. Dr. Werner Kuhlmeier, University of Hamburg 10:00 The development of entrepreneurial culture for self-employment a pathway for the transition between education and employment [GR] Prof. Dr. Athanasios Belidis, Alexander Technological Educational Institute of Thessaloniki 10:30 Coffee break 11:00 Career development of Greek college students and their transitions to employment [EN] Natalia Moutopoulou, M.A., Educational and Vocational Advisor at the University of Macedonia 11:30 From education to the labour market in contemporary Greek socio-economic reality: youth transitions in crisis [EN] Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Deliyianni-Kouimtzi, Aristoteles University of Thessaloniki 12:00 The relevance of gender in school-based vocational guidance and career education [EN] Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, University of Hamburg 12:30 Finishing up: Ανταλλαγή για την αλλαγή Wandel durch Austausch Change by exchange Eriketi Fintzou, Philothei Matsigkou, Magdalini Xenidou, students at the University of Macedonia 13:00 Workshop closes 5

ΠΡΟΓΡΑΜΜΑ ΤΡΊΤΗ, 17 ΔΕΚΕΜΒΡΊΟΥ 09:30 Καλωσόρισμα Prof. (Hon), Dr. h. c. mult. Arne Carlsen, Διευθυντής UNESCO-UIL Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, Πανεπιστήμιο Αμβούργου Ιωάννα Παπαβασιλείου-Αλεξίου, Επίκουρη Καθηγήτρια, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας 10:00 Για το ξεκίνημα: «Ζήσε την ελληνική εμπειρία!» Ευσεβία Αντωνιάδου, Κωνσταντίνα Αντωνίου, Αναστασία Τσούνη, φοιτήτριες, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας (Συντονιστής της ομάδας φοιτητών-τριών: Νικόλαος Παπαθανασίου, Υποψήφιος Διδάκτορας) 11:00 Διάλειμμα - Καφές 11:30 «Η μετάβαση στην ενήλικη ζωή στην Ευρώπη: αλλαγές και συνέχειες»[en] Univ.-Prof. Dr. Lynne Chisholm, UNESCO-UIL και University of Innsbruck (Austria) 12:00 «Οι επαγγελματικές προκλήσεις της σύγχρονης εκπαίδευσης σε περιόδους κρίσης: Σκέψεις για τη σχέση μεταξύ του πολιτισμού και της εκπαίδευσης στη σύγχρονη Ελλάδα και Ευρώπη [EN]» Βασιλική Καραβάκου, Αν. Καθηγήτρια, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας 12:30 Επαγγελματική καθοδήγηση και συμβουλευτική στην δευτεροβάθμια εκπαίδευση [EN] Dipl. Päd. Jessica Rother, University of Hamburg 13:00 Μεσημεριανό Γεύμα στο εστιατόριο του Πανεπιστημίου του Αμβούργου, ακολουθούμενο από μία περιήγηση στην Πανεπιστημιούπολη. 15:00 «Δεξιότητες-κλειδιά και εγκάρσιες δεξιότητες ως μέσο για τη μετάβαση σε περιόδους κρίσης. Ο ρόλος της Συμβουλευτικής και του Προσανατολισμού στην ανάπτυξή τους» [EN] Ιωάννα Παπαβασιλείου-Αλεξίου, Επίκ. Καθηγήτρια, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας 15:30 «Η αξιολόγηση και προώθηση των κοινωνικών ικανοτήτων των νέων, μειονεκτούντων ατόμων στην μετάβαση από το σχολείο στην επαγγελματική εκπαίδευση - διαγνωστικά εργαλεία και πλαίσιο πολιτικής στη Γερμανία» [EN] PD Dr. Burkhart Vollmers, University of Hamburg 16:00 «Μετάβαση από το σχολείο στην επαγγελματική ζωή: προϋποθέσεις για τα άτομα με αναπηρία»[en] Λευκοθέα Καρτασίδου, Επίκ. Καθηγήτρια, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας 6

16:30 Διάλειμμα Καφές 17:00 Συμμετέχοντας: «Ένα βήμα μπροστά! (?)» Βιργινία Πολίτη, Δήμητρα Τσαράβα, Βασίλειος Χρηστίδης, φοιτητές, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονία 18:30 Δείπνο στο Πανεπιστήμιο του Αμβούργου ΤΕΤΆΡΤΗ 18 ΔΕΚΕΜΒΡΊΟΥ 09:30 «Ετοιμότητα για επαγγελματική κατάρτιση. Έχει νόημα αυτός ο στόχος στην προ-επαγγελματική εκπαίδευση; [DE] Prof. Dr. Werner Kuhlmeier, University of Hamburg 10:00 Η ανάπτυξη του επιχειρηματικού πνεύματος για την αυτο-απασχόληση: ένα μονοπάτι για τη μετάβαση από την εκπαίδευση στην απασχόληση [GR] Prof. Dr. Athanasios Belidis, Αλεξάνδρειο Τεχνολογικό Εκπαιδευτικό Ίδρυμα Θεσσαλονίκης 10:30 Διάλειμμα για καφέ 11:00 «Επαγγελματική ανάπτυξη Ελλήνων φοιτητών και οι μεταβάσεις τους στην απασχόληση» [EN] Ναταλία Μουτοπούλου, M.A., Εκπαιδευτική και Επαγγελματική Σύμβουλος στο Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας 11:30 «Από την εκπαίδευση στην αγορά εργασίας στην σύγχρονη Ελληνική κοινωνικο-οικονομική πραγματικότητα: μεταβάσεις της νεολαίας σε κρίση» [ΕΝ] Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Deliyianni-Kouimtzi, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης (Aristoteles University of Thessaloniki) 12:00 «Επαγγελματικός Προσανατολισμός και φύλο» [EN] Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, University of Hamburg 12:30 Κλείσιμο: «Ανταλλαγή για την αλλαγή» Φιλοθέη Ματσίγκου, Μαγδαληνή Ξενίδου, Ερικαίτη Φίντζου, φοιτήτριες, Πανεπιστήμιο Μακεδονίας 13:00 Λήξη Σεμιναρίου 7

PROGRAMM DIENSTAG, 17. DEZEMBER 09:30 Grußworte Prof.(Hon), Dr. h. c. mult. Arne Carlsen, UNESCO-UIL-Direktor Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, Universität Hamburg Prof. Dr. Ioanna Papavasileiou-Alexiou, Universität Makedonien 10:00 Zur Einstimmung: Ζήσε την ελληνική εμπειρία! Die Welt auf griechische Art erleben! Experience the Greek way of doing things! Efsevia Antoniadou, Konstantina Antoniou, Anastasia Tsouni, Studierende der Universität Makedonien (Koordination der studentischen Beiträge: Doktorand Nikolaos Papathanasiou) 11:00 Kaffeepause 11:30 Übergänge ins Erwachsenensein in Europa: Wandel und Kontinuität [EN] Prof. Dr. Lynne Chisholm, UNESCO-UIL und Universität Innsbruck (AT) 12:00 Die beruflichen Herausforderungen moderner Bildung in Zeiten der Krise: Überlegungen zum Verhältnis zwischen Kultur und Bildung in Griechenland und Europa. [EN] Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Karavakou, Universität Makedonien 12:30 Berufsorientierung als Aufgabe der Sekundarstufenschule [EN] Dipl. Päd. Jessica Rother, Universität Hamburg 13:00 Mittagessen in der Mensa der Universität anschließend Rundgang auf dem Campus 15:00 Schlüsselkompetenzen und transversale Fähigkeiten als Übergangsressourcen in Krisenzeiten ihre Förderung durch die Bildungs- und Berufsberatung [EN] Prof. Dr. Ioanna Papavasileiou-Alexiou, Universität Makedonien 15:30 Diagnostik und Förderung beruflicher Handlungskompetenz in der Berufsorientierung und Berufsausbildung in Deutschland [EN] PD Dr. Burkhart Vollmers, Universität Hamburg 16:00 Übergang von der Schule zum Berufsleben: Voraussetzungen für Menschen mit Behinderung [EN] Prof. Dr. Lefkothea Kartasidou, Universität Makedonien 16:30 Kaffeepause 8

17:00 Zum Mitmachen: Ένα βήμα μπροστά! (?) Vorwärts!(?) Step ahead!(?) Virginia Politi, Dimitra Tsarava, Vasilios Xristidis, Studierende der Universität Makedonien 18:30 Abendessen an der Universität Hamburg, Von Melle Park 8, Raum 420 Das Catering wird von einem Integrationsprojekt der Beruflichen Schule Uferstrasse (http://www.bs-uferstrasse.hamburg.de/index.php/) ausgerichtet. MITTWOCH, 18. DEZEMBER 09:30 Ausbildungsreife - eine sinnvolle Zielkategorie der vorberuflichen Bildung? [DE] Prof. Dr. Werner Kuhlmeier, Universität Hamburg 10:00 Entwicklung einer Unternehmenskultur für die selbständige Erwerbstätigkeit. Ein Weg für den Übergang von der Schule zum Beruf [GR] Prof. Dr. Athanasios Belidis, Alexander Technological Educational Institute of Thessaloniki 10:30 Kaffeepause 11:00 Die Herausbildung von Berufsorientierungen unter Hochschulstudent/innen in Griechenland und ihre Übergänge in die Arbeitswelt [EN] Natalia Moutopoulou, M.A., Bildungs- und Berufsberaterin an der Universität Makedonien 11:30 Von der Schule auf den Arbeitsmarkt in der heutigen sozio-ökonomischen Wirklichkeit Griechenlands: krisenbehaftete Übergänge im Jugendalter [EN] Prof. Dr. Vasiliki Deliyianni-Kouimtzi, Aristoteles Universität Thessaloniki: 12:00 Berufsorientierung und Geschlecht [EN] Prof. Dr. Hannelore Faulstich-Wieland, Universität Hamburg 12:30 Zum Abschluss: Ανταλλαγή για την αλλαγή Wandel durch Austausch Change by exchange Eriketi Fintzou, Philothei Matsigkou, Magdalini Xenidou, Studierende der Universität Makedonien 13:00 Ende des Workshops 9

HAMBURG! Transitions to adulthood in Europe: changes and continuities Lynne Chisholm Education-work transitions in times of financial crisis: comparing Germany and Greece in European and international perspective German Academic Exchange Service, Dialogue with Higher Education in Southern Europe Programme 17-18 December 2013, Hamburg Institut pour l apprentissage tout au long de la vie Institut für Lebenslanges Lernen

Youth phase - macro-transformations Extension de-standardisation fragmentation pluralisation fluidity Individualisation biographisation Recursivity time/space compression Complex intersectionalities

Youth transitions inside-out, upside-down Forced return to (quasi-)dependence Reverse development dynamics ( dragging down ) Fragilised resurgence of residual patterns of intergenerational solidarity Everywhere to go, nowhere to stay

Generational succession tipping-point? End of the baby-boomer generation (secure prospects and identities, rising standards and quality of life) Start of the boot-scraper generation (uncertain and contingent prospects and identities, risk of falling standards and quality of life) From curtailed youth vs. positive moratoria to endless youth vs. choice biographies New realism (keystone economic independence) and new immediacy (future-present orientation)

ευχαριστώ πολύ http://uil.unesco.org/en/home/ uil@unesco.org Background paper: Chisholm, Lynne Youth after the Gold Rush. Pp.46-54 in Rautty, Raffaele (a cura di) Giovani in una società multimediale. Università degli Studi di Salerno/Provincia di Avellino, Settore Politiche Giovanili: 2013 [ISBN: 978-88-96456-07-1] Univ.-Prof. Dr. Lynne Chisholm, University of Innsbruck (AT) UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning Research Advisor, UNESCO-UIL Feldbrunnenstraße 58 la.chisholm@unesco.org 20148 Hamburg http://homepage.uibk.ac.at/~c603207/index_en.html T: +49 40448041-0 F: +49 4107723

46 Giovani in una società multimediale YOUTH AFTER THE GOLD RUSH Lynne Chisholm Introduction he phrase after the gold rush calls up the past in two quite distinct ways. On the one hand, gold rushes were 19 th century mass migrations of poor people seeking to make their fortune by mining T for gold and other precious metals, most famously in the Yukon. Driven by their hopes and dreams young men streamed into faraway wildernesses in their hundreds of thousands. Young women followed them for much the same kinds of reasons, providing material, emotional and sexual services to the miners camps and shanty towns. There was precious little romanticism about gold rush life and only few made fortunes. Most miners found little gold; they largely lived in grinding poverty, occasionally punctuated by spending binges after a profi table day panning. Some camp followers therefore did rather better, but the majority lived no less a hand-to-mouth existence and when the miners moved on, they were left high and dry unless they chose to follow the rush on its next foray. From this perspective, gold rushes are metaphors about young people s dreams of striking out independently to make a good life and about coming to terms with the differentiated and frequently harsh realities that gradually unfold with the years. On the other hand, Neil Young s After the Gold Rush 1 was an early 1970s cult pop song with surreal lyrics whose intended meaning remain tantalisingly obscure. The composer-singer himself has never given a clear account, but many interpretations suggest that the text is a metaphor for thinking about the past, the present and the future. YouTube offers several plays, a few of which are videos of live concerts of relatively recent vintage, but many are 1970s sound tracks pasted into rather outdated slide-show-type stills footage or simply up fronted by the record cover (for a 33rpm vinyl plastic gramophone disc). Listening to and watching After the Gold Rush is like time-warp travel into a youth cultural world we have long since lost, not least with respect to the social shaping of the digital musical worlds in which today s young people live and which they co-create in myriads of ways that were hardly imaginable four decades ago. Furthermore, the multiple interpretations incited by the lyrics resonate not only with the multi-layered fl uidity of today s digitally suffused life-worlds, but equally with globalised cultural and social worlds structured by multiple diversities, pluralities and mosaics. Young Europeans dreams of the good life are certainly more differentiated than they were in 19 th century Yukon, and placing the outcomes in terms of standards and quality of life is no longer so clear-cut. Nevertheless, Europe s gold rush of post-1945 broad-based affl uence fi rst stalled abruptly after the 1973 OPEC oil price shock, 1. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1e3m_t-nmos

47 Parte prima took renewed sail on the precarious crest of a fi nance sector driven wave from the mid-1990s, only to implode in late 2008. This contribution thus refl ects on two questions. Firstly, what do we know about the consequences of the global fi nancial crisis for young people in Europe? Secondly and in this light, how might we begin to reinterpret what we have come to understand as transformation of the youth phase in this part of the world since the 1970s? These questions address current developments and their implications from different standpoints. Firstly, the terms young people and youth are not synonymous. In English, young people means real people, whereas the collective noun youth denotes the conceptualization of a social phenomenon. 2 Furthermore, contemporary youth studies would now add the term young adulthood a phase of life that (in a blurred manner) follows on from the youth phase and a conceptualisation that responds to the wide-ranging transformations that have restructured young people s lives in recent decades. Some accounts of young adulthood focus on socio-psychological dimensions of what have been termed arrested transitions (Côté: 2000) or, more optimistically and more socio-cultural in approach, emerging adulthood (Arnett: 2004). Others privilege socio-economic or socio-political dimensions and focus especially on delayed and partial routes to and spaces for autonomy and participation (classically: Furlong and Cartmel: 2007). Cultural analyses, for their part, are likely to underline fl uid parallel heterogeneities and fastchanging lifestyle trends, refl ected in increasingly fuzzy boundaries within and between life phases and prompting reconsideration of theoretical and empirical relationships between youth and generation (for example: Dolby and Fazal: 2008; Nilan and Feixa: 2006). But whatever the approach taken, all contemporary accounts have their theoretical and empirical roots in extension and fragmentation of the youth phase together with individualisation of youth as personal and social construction. Embodied in the patterns and meanings of young people s lives, these changes initially generated by mid-20 th century affl uence and paradoxically accelerated by its subsequent decline have now engendered broader reconceptualization of life-course dynamics altogether. Here, the concept of recursivity places the expectation of linearity into question, so that moving from A towards B once only, without detours and never in reverse no longer necessarily holds, nor is defi ned as normative (Chisholm: 2013a; see also inter alia Wyn and Woodman: 2006). This has prompted discussion about the restructuring of concepts and meanings of time for young people, both at the level of concrete practice and in the sense of capturing and realising life-time that has become ephemeral and elusive youth as the time of one s life is no longer a clearly defi nable experience (Chisholm: 2013b; Leccardi: 2005, 2011; Reiter: 2003; Woodman: 2011). The biographical frameworks that young people adopt to situate themselves are hence shifting to a futurepresent modality, in which dreams collide with reality 3 as today and tomorrow undergo unrelenting mutual compression. If the future is anywhere, it is at least also in the here and now. This kind of perspective fi nds a voice in individual constructions of future lives, as in the following example of a recent real exchange with a young adult who earns his living at the interfaces between education, policymaking and information technology. About to reach the close of a three-year project and asked what he thought he would be doing in ten years time, he replied that he would be doing much the same kind of thing. He envisages his life in project-based cycles of two to four years; the projects themselves change, but his own involvement is recursive. The biographical construction fuses present and future into parallel recurring cycles with no meaningful fi nite markers. This is a positive version of how subjects construct and manage a future-present life-time. As always, that generally presupposes personal, economic and social autonomy, which young people may not have and may never wholly secure. In such situations, the futurepresent becomes a bewildering white-out landscape in which life-time loses meaning altogether (for example, see Hogne: 2004). Intermezzo The consequences for young people of the wholesale transformation of Central and Eastern European societies after 1990 were taken up for study and analysis in (particularly western) Europe s youth research community very rapidly conferences, journals, collections and monographs were quickly full of information and accounts. The slower and less focused response with respect to the impact of the global fi nancial crisis after 2008 deserves some refl ection. As a starting hypothesis, it could be argued that defi nitions of what counts as legitimate rational 2. In addition, as a singular noun, the term youth traditionally denotes a young male person. This is not accidental, for the modern concept of a distinct phase of life culturally, psychologically and socially designated as youth emerged as a European Romantic notion that initially applied only to aristocratic young men (deriving from classic Greek philosophy and cultural, educational and social practices in ancient Greece), gradually extending to all young men and much later again to young women (Gillis: 1974; Roth: 1983; Schnapp: 1997). 3. See Adam Rothstein (2012) Guide to Future-Present Archetypes. Download at: http://rhizome.org/editorial/2012/jul/12/guide-futurepresent-archetypes-part-1-spark/ (accessed 21.03.2013).

48 Giovani in una società multimediale knowledge and where this is to be found have broadened in the past two decades. The magic triangle between research, policy and practice (Chisholm: 2006) has certainly gained greater acceptance in all its three corners. This implies that university academics and professional researchers are not the sole recognised producers of valid and useful knowledge about young people. More signifi cantly, the explicit co-production of knowledge across institutional and professional frontiers takes place more frequently and more routinely than was the case twenty years ago. Reports and analyses appear in much more heterogeneous, open-source and participatory formats, and this more rapidly than through conventional academic publishing channels. These developments parallel an on-going social repositioning of policy and media discourses, both separately and in concert. As key actors in complex governance structures and processes that operate across public-private stakeholder boundaries, they intervene more strongly and more consciously to shape what is now termed evidence-based debate in the public sphere. It is no longer clear how such accounts differ from (or indeed may be similar to) theory and research as conventionally understood and practised (Chisholm: 2013c). At the very least, there is a greater sense that urgent debates with socio-political and policy signifi cance can be more effectively pursued through alternative routes. 4 In addition and more prosaically, the past two decades have seen declining resources for conducting youth research in Europe. Chronic underfi nancing of the university sector together with policy-induced fi eld specialisation between and within individual institutions has not worked to the advantage of interdisciplinary youth research. In turn, generational renewal of the professional research community has clearly suffered, so that youth research as a fi eld specialism is very likely to act as a transitional location for young researchers for whom there is little career future unless they move to a better recognised and resourced fi eld (Chisholm and Kovatcheva: 2002). The fi nancial crisis itself has exacerbated the problem, with both universities and independent research institutes facing reduced budgets and sharper funding competition. 5 At the very least, it has become increasingly diffi cult for the youth research community to take up current issues in the form of serious empirical study. Signals of crisis: unemployment and migration Against this backdrop, what do we know about the consequences of the global fi nancial crisis for young people? With respect to Europe, two factors immediately stand out. Firstly, rates of unemployment amongst 15-24 year olds have risen everywhere (cf. Choudhry, Marelli and Signorelli: 2010). At the time of writing in early 2013, the overall EU youth unemployment rate stands at 23.4%. 6 This makes it twice as high as the unemployment rate for those aged 25-74, although youth unemployment rates have typically exceeded adult unemployment rates in many European countries since the 1980s. In other words, high rates of youth unemployment are by no means a new phenomenon 7 and characteristically vacillate between high and very high levels, whereby currently, young people with low levels of formal qualifi cation are relatively more at risk than they have ever been. 8 Youth unemployment rates also differ signifi cantly between countries (and regions within countries) once more, not a new phenomenon and equally one with complex antecedents, not least structural differences in transition regimes between education, training, labour market and in social welfare arrangements. However, the scale of these differences has now reached genuinely dramatic proportions: in Austria, Germany and The Netherlands, youth unemployment rates in early 2013 fall between 8-10%; in Spain and Greece they are currently approaching 60%. 9 In these two countries, of those 15-24 years olds 4. See for example: http://www.youthpolicy.org/ 5. For example, the Austrian Youth Research Institute closed in 2010, just before the 50 th anniversary of its foundation, following withdrawal of public funding. The German Youth Institute, which celebrates its 50 th anniversary in 2013, is also heavily dependent upon commissioned and competitive funding and has adjusted its thematic portfolio accordingly in recent years policy-relevant research into childhood and family life together with early childhood education and non-formal youth education have taken on much greater importance than was the case two decades ago. 6. Eurostat data, January 2013; http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/table.do?tab=table&plugin=1&language=de&pcode=teilm021; accessed 21.03.2013). 7. With the exception of those countries affected most deeply by the nancial crisis, youth unemployment rates in EU Member States at the end of the 1990s were similar to the rates to which they have now returned. 8. EU Youth Report 2012, Chapter 3.3: The position of young people in the labour market. Download at: http://ec.europa.eu/youth/ documents/national_youth_reports_2012/eu_youth_report_swd_situation_of_young_people.pdf (accessed 22.03.2013). Low levels of formal quali cation mean ISCED 1-2 attainment, which corresponds to quali cations below the level of upper secondary education or vocational training equivalent. 9. Eurostat data, January 2013; (http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/table.do?tab=table&plugin=1&language=de&pcode=teilm021; accessed 21.03.2013). Youth unemployment rates are also very high (between 30 49%) in Italy, Portugal, Slovakia and Ireland. In 17 of 27 EU Member States, youth unemployment rates exceed the EU mean, which demonstrates clear polarisation of risks of youth unemployment in the majority

49 Parte prima in the active labour force (that is, not in education and training or taken up with family responsibilities), more are out of work than in work. In general, rates are somewhat lower for those aged 25-29, but are still notably higher than those for the adult active labour force as a whole, especially for poorly qualifi ed young adults. 10 At the same time, in at least some countries most severely affected by the fi nancial crisis, the risk of unemployment is greatest for highly qualifi ed young adults. This is the case in Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Portugal and Romania (but also in southeast European countries beyond the EU). 11 This phenomenon is not wholly novel in southern Europe, youth and young adult unemployment has long been characterised by higher rates both for the low qualifi ed and for the highly qualifi ed, with somewhat lower rates for those with middle-level qualifi cations. Nevertheless, the fi nancial crisis has evidently exacerbated this pattern. This leads directly to the second immediately visible consequence of the crisis for young adults a new kind of labour migration amongst the highly qualifi ed who can no longer fi nd employment in the country in which they grew up. This incipient gold rush from Southern Europe towards Northern Europe has attracted intense media attention, highlighting not only the vain search for work at home and the frustration that brings, but also the multiple challenges posed by moving alone to work and live in a completely new environment. Media reports also regularly report on the upswing in taking language courses as preparation for migration, especially to learn German, given at least sector-specifi c labour shortages for the well qualifi ed in Austria and Germany. As yet largely anecdotal evidence also suggests staggered step patterns, by which migrants may prefer to move to a nearby and culturally more familiar country (such as from Greece to Italy, from Spain to France, or from Ireland to Britain), but are later prepared to move further away. Youth migration in itself is not new historically, migrants have always been predominantly young adults. Some research charted and analysed youth migration from eastern to western Europe since 1990 (Wallace, Chmouliar and Sidorenko: 1996; Wallace and Palyanitsya: 1995; Wallace and Haerpfer: 2001; for a current account for south-eastern Europe, see: Erdei: 2011), which also notably included well qualifi ed and socially well-resourced young adults. Ireland, too, has a centuries-long history of poverty-induced emigration, which slowed and reversed with rapidly rising affl uence in the 1990s not only did Ireland attract ethnically diverse migrants from Europe and beyond, but young Irish adults who had left to work elsewhere also began to return. The fi nancial crisis has reinstated the traditional pattern, with a crucial specifi city, in that it is well-qualifi ed young adults who are leaving the country. Cairns, Growiec and Smyth s (2012) recent study of 18-24 year old university students in Dublin and Cork found that 59% planned to move to work elsewhere for at least a few years, and young women were especially likely to want to do so. The authors identify the emergence of what they term capacity for spatial refl exivity amongst such young adults, which enables them to negotiate and evaluate their mobility options as they approach the transition between higher education and establishing a career. This has potential for juxtaposition with the new kinds of temporal refl exivity noted further above. Empirically, there is as yet little material available to generate theorising about time-space relations in the context of reconstructing transitions to young adulthood. News media picked up intra-european labour migration of highly qualifi ed young adults in the hardest-hit EU Member States from late 2011, following the utter collapse of the Greek labour market and as the spectre of national insolvency took hold. The ILO (International Labour Organisation) brought the unmistakeably disproportionate impact of the global fi nancial crisis on youth unemployment both worldwide and in particular in Europe into public policy debate (ILC: 2012; ILO: 2012). 12 At European policy level, 2012 saw rising momentum for taking action, culminating in a Youth Employment Initiative 13 by which EU Member States commit themselves to ensuring that all of countries, rates fall well above the mean; in a minority of countries rates fall well below the mean. 10. EU Youth Report 2012, Chapter 3.3: The position of young people in the labour market; see especially Figure 3-K (http://ec.europa.eu/youth/ documents/national_youth_reports_2012/eu_youth_report_swd_situation_of_young_people.pdf (accessed 22.03.2013). 11. EU Youth Report 2012, Chapter 3.3: The position of young people in the labour market; see especially Figure 3-L (http://ec.europa.eu/youth/ documents/national_youth_reports_2012/eu_youth_report_swd_situation_of_young_people.pdf (accessed 22.03.2013). High levels of formal quali cation mean ISCED 5-6 attainment, which corresponds to tertiary level quali cations. 12. At the time of writing, the latest statement from ILO reads as follows: Our latest data show that the global crisis impact on labour markets is taking a bigger toll on young women and men than any other group. There are nearly 75 million unemployed youth aged 15 to 24 in 2012 worldwide and there are approximately 5.5 million unemployed youth in Europe and the average unemployment rate of youth is above 22 per cent. This is more than double the unemployment rate of adults. More worrying is the increase in long-term unemployment among young people in the EU as a consequence of the global economic crisis. Youth now represent 30 per cent of the long-term unemployed in Europe those who have been seeking work for more than 12 months. Before the crisis, this phenomenon affected mainly adults. ILO Director-General Ryder, Tripartite Seminar on Youth Employment, 11.01.2013 (http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/who-we-are/ilo-director-general/statements-and-speeches/ WCMS_201246/lang--en/index.htm; accessed 29.03.2013). 13. COM (2013) 144 nal, 12 March 2013, Strasbourg (http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/andor/headlines/news/2013/03/20130312_ en.htm; accessed 01.04.2013) together with the Council Recommendation on a Youth Guarantee ( COM (2012) 0729 nal) agreed by the EU s Council of Employment and Social Affairs Ministers on 28 February 2013, which concretises the the Youth Employment Package agreed in late 2012.

50 Giovani in una società multimediale under 25 year olds are offered employment, further general or vocational education or training after they leave school or become unemployed. To what extent policy statements will translate into effective and timely action remains to be seen. To date, the state of the youth labour market has been the overriding if not the sole focus of policy attention, but it is possible that perspectives could broaden: current data (Eurydice: 2013) show stagnation and reduction in investment in education in many EU Member States since 2010, which impacts directly and indirectly on young people s life-chances and on their quality of life in terms of educational experience. 14 Youth research has responded slowly to the impact of the fi nancial crisis over the past fi ve years, although wellgrounded study and analysis indisputably demands time and there is never any shortage of research publications about inequalities in the youth phase and marginalisation and exclusion amongst young people. However, in 2013 at least two European-level conferences are headlining youth and the crisis; both extend the perspective well beyond the youth labour market to consider the impact on identity formation, politics and participation, and on everyday experience. 15 In a recent overarching analysis, Roberts (2012) surmises that the impact of the fi nancial crisis sets the seal on an authentic generational shift, one which has been gathering momentum over recent decades as Europe s economies, ecology and demography present new problems for which solutions have been diffi cult to fi nd and agree upon, all the more given the intensifi cation of economic globalisation together with rapid social and educational development in other world regions. He postulates that the era of the baby-boomer generation born into a post-1945 Europe of rising affl uence with improving social and educational services and benefi ts has now defi nitively ended. The new generational era (as yet un-baptised; the term lost generation is currently popular) is grounded in uncertainty and contingency: young people can no longer expect that their life prospects are secure, regardless of individual and collective material and immaterial investment. They must also be ready to respond and adapt to the unforeseen, but with no clear sense that if they manage to do so well, they will be rewarded in the short or long term by a rising standard of living and quality of life. Roberts suggests that this is a pattern long familiar to working-class youth, and which is now becoming a much more generalised pattern amongst young people from middle-class social backgrounds. As such, this thesis poses a counterpoint to the concept of a positive moratorium that has informed theory and research on the youth phase in much of Europe since the 1980s, in which an extended youth phase could be seen as an achievement of democratic, prosperous societies, conferring the right to extended education and personal development as preparation for rounded, refl exive and rewarding adulthood. This thesis assumed the generalisation of European bourgeois expectations and practices to all young people, supported by (ever more elaborate) education and training routes, socio-educational intervention measures and welfare provisions as required. In recent years, this kind of perspective has been intensively debated in terms of choice biographies (Du Bois-Reymond: 1998; Diepstraten, Du Bois Reymond and Vinken: 2006; Walther: 2006), understood not simply in terms of possessing the economic and social capital that permits young people to make choices about their lives and futures, but equally and increasingly signifi cantly in terms of acquiring the cultural and identity capital that enables them to fashion self and lifestyle autonomously and refl exively. On the one hand, this conceptualisation posits new kinds of relationships between structure and agency in the shaping of youth transitions; on the other hand, it prompts refl ection on the challenges posed by choice biographies as a normative imperative for young people in heterogeneous economic and social circumstances. Woodman (2010) argues that those young people with fewest resources (economic, social, cultural, identity) face the biggest challenges actively to construct their own biography, since they are also those most fi rmly caught between generalised normative injunctions and complex transition regimes (and see here: McDowell: 2012). Those young people with greater resources can more readily winkle out and pursue alternative pathways and re-routings; they can more adeptly evade institutional regulation and normative discipline but Peterson (2011) delivers an important corrective here in underlining the resilience shown by young people who grow up in socially unpromising circumstances and yet manage actively to construct their lives and make positive sense of the paths they have taken into adulthood. Nevertheless, structural factors remain highly signifi cant in framing the space for choice biographies as active constructions in complex circumstances. On the basis of aggregate data from the latest Catalan Youth Survey, 14. Investment in education fell in eight out of 25 Member States assessed as part of a Eurydice study on the impact of the crisis on education budgets since 2010. Cuts of more than 5 % were imposed in Greece, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania and Portugal, while Estonia, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom (Scotland) saw decreases of 1 to 5 %. However, ve Member States increased education spending by more than 1 %: Austria, Denmark, Luxembourg, Malta and Sweden, as well as the German-speaking Community of Belgium. Germany and the Netherlands did not provide data for the period since 2010. (EU Press Release, 21.03.2013; http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_ip-13-261_en.htm; accessed 01.04.2013) 15. European Sociological Association Annual Conference 2013: Crisis, Critique and Change: Research Network 30 Youth and Generation (http://www.europeansociology.org/research-networks/rn30-youth-and-generation/46-research-networks/rn30-youth-and-generation/212- rn30-calls-for-papers.html; accessed 21.03.2013); Youth Partnership Symposium 2013: The Current Crisis and Youth Impact and Ways Forward. (http://youth-partnership-eu.coe.int/youthpartnership/events/symposium_crisis_youth_2013.html; accessed 21.03.2013).

51 Parte prima Sarracant (2012) concludes that the welfare regimes specifi c to given countries exert infl uence on the extent to which patterns of youth transitions are modernising and diversifying. In Catalonia, family-based concepts of welfare provision and low levels of independent support and benefi t for young people favour the persistence of traditional Mediterranean patterns characterised by extended parental dependency (see also: Moreno: 2012). Cuzzocrea s (2011) analysis of young university graduates in England and Italy also shows that divergent transitions regimes in the two countries frame the respective ways in which entry phase career strategies are constructed. Graduates in England are inclined to adopt squeezing strategies that curtail the youth phase and its uncertainties in the interest of optimising the potential for successfully establishing a career trajectory. This fi ts a context in which transition regimes in conformity with cultural tradition (cf. Chisholm: 1997) favour early independence and stimulate this pattern with fi scal and welfare measures. Italian graduates are more likely to experience the youth phase as generally frustrating, because there seems little they can personally do to improve their chances of securing a good career launch and in the midst of this endless uncertainty, plans and trajectories take on a blurred quality. This fi ts a context in which institutional and cultural traditions favour family-based collective autonomy, together assuring intergenerational bonds and solidarity individual independence detracts from this purpose. From a study amongst university students in Portugal, Cairns (2011) reports that living with one s parents the traditional pattern for young adults until marriage not only remains standard practice but has also been reinforced by the impact of the fi nancial crisis upon the country and its citizens. The students in his study foresee staying at home to live for even longer than they would have previously envisaged, and this is directly linked to their uncertain expectations for fi nding employment after completing their studies. By and large, research repeatedly suggests that the deepening uncertainties that young Europeans face with respect to education, employment and ecology and to the mid-term restructuring of welfare states and social market economies do not lead to high levels of fear and anxiety about their own futures, despite considerable media hype prompted by anti-fi nance sector protest action about widespread discouragement, frustration and anger. Rather, young people place increasing importance on that upon which they can confi dently rely: their friends and their families and much less so on the state and its institutions, thus also developing alternative forms of political and social participation (for example, see: Ester, Braun and Mohler: 2006; Harris, Wyn and Younes: 2010; Heggli, Haukanes and Tjomsland: 2013; Helve: 2011; Pfaff:2009; Spannring, Ogris and Gaiser: 2008). The new youth phase revisited Relatively scarce systematic research knowledge couples with a common-sense factual picture at the end of the European 20 th century gold rush. How does this patchy evidence relate to the transformation of the youth phase in late 20 th century Europe and its contemporary re-interpretation? Macro-social transformation processes of cultural and economic globalisation and pluralisation, paralleled by deepening legitimation crises surrounding established democratic structures and social institutions, have set the frame for a restructuration of the youth phase that began with its prolongation, moved towards its multiple fragmentation and de-standardisation, and is now reconstituting itself into weakly-bounded and non-linear biographisation but accompanied by ever deeper and multifaceted polarisations between patterns of life chances and risks. The evidence to hand points not only to the persistence of well-documented and longstanding structured inequalities amongst young people in Europe, but also to the emergence of sharpening inequalities between today s and tomorrow s young people and those who grew up in the era of the baby boom generation. The economic and ecological parameters of emerging intergenerational inequalities are now well-rehearsed, especially in popular political and media debate, but to date there is little real sign of the intergenerational confl ict that commentators predict to be a logical consequence. What places a brake on the potential for intergenerational confl ict when young generations discover that the gold has been washed out by their elders? The simplest answer is that intergenerational relations are largely experienced and interpreted at the micro-level of the family and local community, where on the whole reciprocity and solidarity govern norms and practices (cf. Arber and Attias-Donfut: 2000). This is the context in which young people enjoy protection and support in the face of problems that do not present themselves as generationally structured, but as impersonally abstract phenomena over which no-one appears to have much control. The powerful social bonding that micro-level generational relations create and maintain is presently joined by a fl uidisation of the youth phase (following Bauman: 2011, 2007, 2005, 2000) that serves, inter alia, to obscure relations of structured inequality between generations. Just as Mannheim (1929) proposed to be the paradoxical case: rapid social change forms more incipient generations, but these differ from each other less clearly and so are less likely to emerge as distinctive generations