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1 Νέα Ρώμη Rivista di ricerche bizantinistiche 10 (2013) E S T R AT TO Roma Università degli Studi di Roma «Tor Vergata» 2014

2 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING AND COLLOQUIAL DISCOURSE* Though much progress in the study of eleventh- and twelfth-century education in Byzantium has been made 1, the humble type of grammatical exercise called σχέδος («sketch», «improvisation») has not received the detailed attention it deserves 2. A more careful examination of the * The research for this paper was conducted at the Institut für Byzantinistik (München) with a grant by the Alexander-von-Humboldt Stiftung (Bonn). I am grateful to the former institution for its hospitality and to the latter for its support. My particular thanks go to Albrecht Berger, Francesco D Aiuto, Franz Tinnefeld, Ioannis Stouraitis and Santo Lucà for assistance in bibliographical matters, and to Diether Reinsch for discussing with me the passages from the Alexiad. All translations are my own. 1 See, indicatively, P. LEMERLE, Cinq études sur le XI e siècle byzantin, Paris 1977, pp ; V. KATSAROS, Ἰωάννης Κασταμονίτης. Συμβολὴ στὴ μελέτη τοῦ βίου, τοῦ ἔργου καὶ τῆς ἐποχῆς του, Θεσσαλονίκη 1988 (Βυζαντινὰ Κείμενα καὶ Μελέται, 22); P. MAGDALINO, The Empire of Manuel I Komnenos, , Cambridge 1993, pp ; V. KATSAROS, Προδρομικοί «θεσμοί» για την οργάνωση της ανώτερης εκπαίδευσης της εποχής των Κομνηνών από την προκομνήνεια περίοδο, in Η αυτοκρατορία σε κρίση (;). Το Βυζάντιο τον 11ο αιώνα ( ) / The Empire in Crisis (?). Byzantium in the 11th Century ( ), ed. V. VLYSSIDOU, Αθήνα 2003 (Εθνικό Ίδρυμα Ερευνών. Ινστιτούτο Βυζαντινών Ερευνών, Διεθνή Συμπόσια, 11), pp For a summary of research with good bibliography see A. MARKOPOULOS, De la structure de l école byzantine. Le maître, les livres et le processus éducatif, in Lire et écrire à Byzance, éd. par B. MONDRAIN, Paris 2006 (Centre de Recherche d Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance: Monographies, 19), pp ; for a freshly published overview of education theory and practice see A. GIANNOULI, Education and literary language in Byzantium, in The Language of Byzantine Learned Literature, ed. by M. HINTERBERGER, Turnhout 2014 (Βυζάντιος. Studies in Byzantine History and Civilization, 9), pp Note should be made of the pioneering work of S.D. PAPADIMITRIOU, Feodor Prodrom: Istoriko-literaturnoe issledovanie, Odessa 1905, pp See also G. SCHIRÒ, La schedografia a Bisanzio nei sec. XI-XII e la Scuola dei SS. XL Martiri, in Bollettino della Badia greca di Grottaferrata, n.s. 3 (1949), pp ; A. GARZYA, Intorno al Prologo di Niceforo Basilace, in Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik 18 (1969), pp [repr. in ID., Storia e interpretazione di testi bizantini. Saggi e ricerche, London 1974, nr. XII]; ID., Literarische und rhetorische Polemiken der Komnenenzeit, in Byzantinoslavica 34 (1973), pp [repr. in ID., Storia e interpretazione cit., nr. VII]; R. BROWNING, Il codice Marciano gr. XI.31 e la schedografia bizantina, in Miscellanea Marciana di Studi Bessarionei, Padova 1976 (Medioevo e Umanesimo, 24), pp [repr. in ID., Studies on Byzantine History, Literature and Education, London 1977, nr. XVI).

3 90 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS manuscripts transmitting schedographic collections has hesitantly started in the past thirty years, while only a small percentage of the high number of surviving schede has been actually edited 3. There are a number of reasons why schedography has not been favoured by Byzantinists despite the available manuscript material and despite the presence of a number of references by Byzantine teachers and intellectuals to this type of grammatical exercise. Older scholars have tended to throw all relevant references to schedography into one pot and produce out of it the image of a peculiar, rather pedantic, sort of school exercise that was scorned by the truly educated. Instrumental in drawing the negative image of this widespread teaching method has been the opinion of Karl Krumbacher, expressed in the second edition of his Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur (= GBL), where he offered the first attempt at an overview of schedography 4. Already in the introduction to the GBL, Krumbacher had formulated an axiom about a diglossic situation in Byzantium, where there existed a Kunstsprache («learned language») and a Vulgärsprache («vernacular language»), two linguistic systems supposedly standing in opposition to each other, especially since the twelfth century 5. In his overview of schedog- 3 For more recent discussions of various issues, presentations of manuscripts and editions of various texts see, indicatively, C. GALLAVOTTI, Nota sulla schedografia di Moscopulo e sui suoi precedenti fino a Teodoro Prodromo, in Bollettino dei classici [dell ]Accade - mia Nazionale dei Lincei, ser. III, 4 (1983), pp. 3-35: 12-35; I. VASSIS, Graeca sunt, non leguntur: Zu den schedographischen Spielereien des Theodoros Prodromos, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift ( ), pp. 1-19; I.D. POLEMIS, Προβλήματα τῆς βυζαντινῆς σχεδογραφίας, in Ἑλληνικά 45 (1995), pp ; ID., Philologische und historische Pro - bleme in der schedographischen Sammlung des Codex Marcianus gr. XI,34, in Byzantion 67 (1997), pp ; I. VASSIS, Τῶν νέων φιλολόγων παλαίσματα. Ἡ συλλογὴ σχεδῶν τοῦ κώδικα Vaticanus Palatinus gr. 92, in Ἑλληνικά 52 (2002), pp For an overview of 11th- and 12th-century schedography with some pertinent remarks see S. EFTHYMI- ADIS, L enseignement secondaire à Constantinople pendant les XI e et XII e siècles. Modèle éducatif pour la Terre d Otrante au XIII e siècle, in Νέα Ρώμη 2 (2005), pp : (with substantial bibliography), but also F.G. GIANNACHI, Per la storia dell istruzione bizantina in Terra d Otranto: la schedografia di Stefano di Nardò, in Medioevo Greco 13 (2013), pp ; MARKOPOULOS, De la structure cit., pp ; GIANNOULI, Education cit., pp K. KRUMBACHER, Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur von Justinian bis zum Ende des oströmischen Reiches ( ), Zweite Auflage, bearbeitet unter Mitwirkung von A. EHRHARD - H. GELZER, München 1897 (Handbuch der klassischen Altertums - wissenschaft, IX/1) [= GBL 2 ], pp ( 250); this section did not exist in the first edition, that is, ID., Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur von Justinian bis zum Ende des oströmischen Reiches ( ), München 1891 (Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, IX/1) [= GBL 1 ]. 5 GBL 2, p. 17.

4 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 91 raphy Krumbacher primarily occupied himself with discussing a passage from Anna Komnene s Alexiad, wherein she talked about school education and schedography. It comes from the work s last book, which Anna wrote some time before her death in ca ; by then the kaisarissa was almost seventy years old. However, before examining more carefully the relevant passage, it might be useful to describe briefly what the function of schedography was. Referred to in the sources as σχεδογραφία or σχεδουργία, it started some time in the early eleventh century and quickly developed into an important part of language training at its secondary level 6. A schedos served a primary and a secondary aim. It drilled young pupils (ten to twelve years old) in the complexities of Greek spelling and grammar 7, while it also helped them in certain cases to understand the different types of progymnasmata 8. These two aims were achieved through the puzzling form in which the teacher presented the schedos, since the text, punctuated in an erratic manner, was filled with strange words and phrases giving no meaning. The pupils had to decode such a puzzle and to rewrite it correctly 9. The puzzles were based on ἀντίστοιχα («sound correspondences») 10 ; these could be similarly sounding verbal or nominal forms 11, or they could be wrongly written words and phrases 12. Schede were usually written in prose (approximately twenty to twenty-five lines 6 See briefly VASSIS, Τῶν νέων φιλολόγων παλαίσματα cit., pp on the three levels of language training at school, and the place of schedography therein. 7 See, for example, the remarks of an anonymous teacher preserved in the Marc. gr. IX.14, f. 11r and edited by PAPADIMITRIOU, Feodor Prodrom cit., p. 418: Τὸ σχε - δογραφεῖν, ὦ νέε, διὰ τὸ ὀρθογραφεῖν ἐστιν ἀναγκαῖον εἴ τις σπεύδει μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ γράφειν, οὐ σπουδάζει δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ ὀρθογραφεῖν, ἐπὶ κενῷ ἰδίει τοίνυν καὶ σὺ εἰ αἱρῇ τὸ ὀρθογραφῆσαι, σπούδαζε καὶ ἀγωνίζου ὅση σοι ἴς. Σοφός τις ἔφη βραδέως μὲν φίλος γίνου, γινόμενος δὲ πειρῶ διαμένειν. 8 Many of the surviving schede display forms that reflect the various types of progymnasmata, such as fables, narratives, mottoes, character monologues and the like; see the respective groupings as described by VASSIS, Τῶν νέων φιλολόγων παλαίσματα cit., p The puzzle-like form was described with terms such as γρῖφος («puzzle»), αἴνιγμα or νόημα («riddle») and λαβύρινθος («labyrinth»); for some references see VASSIS, Graeca sunt cit., pp See E. FOLLIERI, Ἀντίστοιχα, in Δίπτυχα 4 ( ), pp E.g. εἰ δείσεις, θεόν, ὦ παῖ, καὶ περὶ λόγων εἰδήσεις ἰδίσεις, ἡδήσεις σαυτὸν καὶ τὸν ἐχθρὸν δήσεις (Pal. gr. 92, f. 194v; GALLAVOTTI, Nota cit., p. 27 n. 23). 12 E.g. ἐπήτην τελείαν σύνες ἢν ἔχει and οἱ πω λάβρον πυρετὸν instead of ἐπεὶ τὴν τελείαν σύνεσιν ἔχει and ὑπὸ λάβρων πυρετῶν respectively (Marc. gr. XI.34, f. 277v; POLEMIS, Probleme cit., p. 258).

5 92 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS in length), but they were also composed in iambic twelve-syllable verse. The collection of the Vat. Pal. gr. 92 (Salento, late thirteenth century) gives us a very good picture of the immense variety of the schedographic material 13. In Book 15 of the Alexiad, Anna leads her narrative towards the dramatic description of her father s death and the events concerning the imperial succession. Before this grand scene 14, the purpleborn princess presents some of her father s benefactions and specific donations to various churches and ecclesiastical institutions 15. She then turns her attention to the emperor s support of a «school of the grammarians» (παιδευτήριον τῶν γραμματικῶν) offering training to orphaned children; it is the famous school of St. Paul of the Orphanage close to the Hagia Sophia 16. The dense and complex passage is well-known because it has been used as a source for many different questions, such as ethnic (qua national) identity 17 or imperial patronage of schools 18. It is therefore of some importance to understand exactly what Anna writes 19 : 13 For a detailed description of this collection see VASSIS, Τῶν νέων φιλολόγων παλαίσματα cit., passim. On the importance of Salentine manuscript production for the survival of 12th-century Constantinopolitan schedographic collections and for Greek school education in the Terra d Otranto during the 13th century see A. ACCONCIA LONGO - A. JACOB, Une anthologie salentine du XIV e siècle: le Vaticanus gr. 1276, in Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, n.s ( ), pp , and A. JACOB, Une bibliothèque médiévale de Terre d Otrante (Parisinus gr. 549), in Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, n.s ( ), pp Alexiad 15.11, ed. D.R. REINSCH - A. KAMBYLIS, Annae Comnenae Alexias, Berlin 2001 (Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 40), pp M. ANGOLD, Church and Society in Byzantium under the Comneni ( ), Cambridge 1995, pp See S. MERGIALI-FALANGAS, L école Saint Paul de l Orphelinat à Constantinople: bref aperçu sur son statut et son histoire, in Revue des études byzantines 49 (1991), pp ; T.S. MILLER, The Orphanotropheion of Constantinople, in E. ALBU HANAWALT - C. LINDBERG (eds.), Through the Eye of a Needle: Judeo-Christian Roots of Social Welfare, Kirksville, Mo. 1994, pp ; ID., Two teaching texts from the twelfth-century Orphano - tropheion, in Byzantine Authors: Literary Activities and Preoccupations. Texts and Translations Dedicated to the Memory of Nicolas Oikonomides, ed. by J.W. NESBITT, Leiden- Boston 2003 (The Medieval Mediterranean, 49), pp See, for example, A. KALDELLIS, Hellenism in Byzantium: The Transformations of Greek Identity and the Reception of the Classical Tradition, Cambridge 2007, pp , with whose analysis I find myself in disagreement; see now I. STOURAITIS, Roman identity in Byzantium: a critical approach, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 107 (2014), pp KATSAROS, Προδρομικοί «θεσμοί» cit., passim. 19 Alexiad (ed. REINSCH - KAMBYLIS cit., pp ); German translation and notes in D.R. REINSCH, Anna Komnene: Alexias, übersetzt, eingeleitet und mit Anmerkungen versehen, Köln 1996, pp The English translation by

6 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 93 Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν τὰ τεμένη καὶ ἱερὰ φροντιστήρια εἰσιόντι σοι κατὰ λαιὰν ἀπαντήσειε κατὰ δὲ τὴν δεξιὰν τοῦ μεγάλου τεμένους παιδευτήριον ἕστηκε τῶν γραμματικῶν παισὶν ὀρφανοῖς ἐκ παντοδαποῦ γένους συνειλεγμένοις, ἐν ᾧ παιδευτής τις προκάθηται καὶ παῖδες περὶ αὐτὸν ἑστᾶσιν, οἱ μὲν περὶ ἐρωτήσεις ἐπτοημένοι γραμματικάς, οἱ δὲ ξυγγραφεῖς τῶν λεγομένων σχεδῶν. Καὶ ἔστιν ἰδεῖν καὶ Λατῖνον ἐνταῦθα παιδοτριβούμενον καὶ Σκύθην ἑλ - ληνίζοντα καὶ Ῥωμαῖον τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων συγγράμματα μεταχειριζόμενον καὶ τὸν ἀγράμματον Ἕλληνα ὀρθῶς ἑλληνίζοντα. Τοιαῦτα καὶ περὶ τὴν λογικὴν παίδευσιν τὰ τοῦ Ἀλεξίου σπουδάσματα. Τοῦ δὲ σχέδους ἡ τέχνη εὕρημα τῶν νεωτέρων ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς ἐφ ἡμῶν γενεᾶς. Παρίημι δὲ Στυλιανοὺς τινὰς καὶ τοὺς λεγομένους Λογγιβάρδους καὶ ὅσους ἐπισυναγωγὴν ἐτεχνάσαντο παντοδαπῶν ὀνομάτων καὶ τοὺς Ἀττικοὺς καὶ <τοὺς> γεγονότας τοῦ ἱεροῦ καταλόγου τῆς μεγάλης παρ ἡμῖν ἐκκλησίας, ὧν παρίημι τὰ ὀνόματα. Ἀ λ λ ὰ ν ῦ ν οὐδ ἐν δευτέρῳ λόγῳ τὰ περὶ τούτων τῶν μετεώρων ποιητῶν καὶ αὐτῶν συγγραφέων καὶ τῆς ἀπὸ τούτων ἐμπειρίας πεττεία δὲ τὸ σπούδασμα καὶ ἄλλα τὰ ἔργα ἀθέμιτα. Ταῦτα δὲ λέγω ἀχθομένη διὰ τὴν παντελῆ τῆς ἐγκυκλίου παιδεύσεως ἀμέλειαν. Τοῦτο γάρ μου τὴν ψυχὴν ἀναφλέγει, ὅτι πολὺ περὶ ταὐτὰ ἐν - διατέτριφα, κἄν, ἐπειδὰν ἀπήλλαγμαι τῆς παιδαριώδους τούτων σχολῆς καὶ εἰς ῥητορικὴν παρήγγειλα καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἡψάμην καὶ μεταξὺ τῶν ἐπιστημῶν πρὸς ποιητάς τε καὶ ξυγγραφεῖς ἤιξα καὶ τῆς γλώττης τοὺς ὄχθους ἐκεῖθεν ἐξωμαλισάμην, εἶτα ῥητορικῆς ἐπαρηγούσης ἐμοὶ κατέγνων τῆς πολυπλόκου τῆς σχεδογραφίας πλοκῆς. Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μέντοι προσιστορήσθω, εἰ καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ παρέργου, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸ τοῦ λόγου ἀκόλουθον. But, once you have entered the city, these churches and holy cloisters are to be found on your left, while on the right side of the large church 20 there stands a school of the grammarians for orphaned children gathered together from every kind of race. An educator holds there the directorship, while boys are grouped all around him, some passionately attending to grammatical questions, some being writers of the so-called improvised exercises. And one can see there a Latin being fully trained, a Scythian learning Greek, a Rhomaian occupying himself with the writings of the Hellenes, and an uneducated Hellene learning correct Greek 21. In this manner did Alexios strive to support literary edu- E.A.R. SEWTER, The Alexiad of Anna Comnena, Harmondsworth 1969, pp , is too free and inaccurate to be useful for the present analysis. 20 The church of St. Paul within the building complex of the Orphanage. 21 This is a sentence that has caused great difficulties to translators and students of the Alexiad. In my opinion, the interpretation given by Reinsch in his translation is the only cogent. I have attempted to translate the sentence in a way that something of Anna s particular hierarchic perspective is preserved. She uses her words very carefully to express the lack of proper training for the Latin boy (he is being παιδοτριβούμενον), the need for full linguistic training in Greek (ἑλληνίζοντα) of the Scythian (Petcheneg), the potential of the Rhomaian (i.e. Byzantine) boy to actually

7 94 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS cation 22. The art of the schedos, by the way, is a modern invention and of our own times. I shall pass over people like Stylianos 23, the so-called Longibardos 24, and all those who artfully prepared collections of all kinds of words, as well as people like Attikos 25, and those who became members of the clergy of our Great Church, whose names I shall also pass over 26. P r e s e n t l y, h owe ve r, the study of these elevated poets and those historians, as well as the experience gained from their works, is not even granted second place, since the current pursuits are boardgames and other such immoral activities. I say this out of sorrow for the utter neglect of general education. For this inflames my soul, because I spent much time with this kind of studies, even if, after I had freed myself from the childlike pursuit of such things, assigned myself to rhetoric, had come into contact with philosophy, had during my study of the sciences turned eagerly to poets and historians, and hence smoothed the mound-like uneveness of my style, I rejected with the aid of rhetoric the overcomplicated complexity of schedography. Let this be added to my actual historical account, not, however, as a digression, but rather in connection to the following narrative. If we follow Anna s statements about schedography (here in italics), we will notice that these are explicitly made in three places and implicitly in a fourth: (a) the young pupils appear as «writers of the so-called improvised exercises», that is, they learn how to decode and to rewrite a schedos, deepening their knowledge of spelling and grammar by means of this difficult type of exercise; (b) «the art of the schedos» is a recent invenstudy the «pagan classics», while the uneducated native speaker of Greek from the province of Hellas needs to learn proper school Greek (ὀρθῶς ἑλληνίζοντα). For a different, class-defined, interpretation of Rhomaian and Hellene in this passage see STOURAITIS, Roman identity cit., pp This is how I understand λογικὴ παίδευσις, the adjective referring to language and literature, rather than the intellect; see Alexias prol. 3.2 (ed. REINSCH - KAMBYLIS cit., p. 8.62) on Nikephoros Bryennios attention to λογικούς τινας πόνους («literary endeavours»), that is, his unfinished historiographical work. 23 On him see further below. 24 On Longibardos and his Παρεκβόλαια περὶ συντάξεως καὶ ἀντιστοίχων πάνυ ὠφελίμων τοῦ σοφωτάτου ἀνδρῶν Λογγιβάρδου see N. FESTA, Note preliminari su Longibardos, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 16 (1907), pp , and ID., Longibardos, in Byzantion 6 (1931), pp , being the critical edition of the text s two redactions. 25 Scholars have not been able to identify this person. It is possible, however, that he is Michael Attikos, one of the schedographers in the collection of the Vat. Pal. gr. 92, f. 188r (see GALLAVOTTI, Nota cit., p. 27, and VASSIS, Τῶν νέων φιλολόγων παλαίσματα cit., p. 56). 26 A number of teachers can be found in the schedographic collections, who belonged to the clergy of St. Sophia, and later even become bishops; see the lists in BROWNING, Il codice Marciano cit., passim (with the older bibliography).

8 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 95 tion and of Anna s own times; (c) implicitly, Anna includes schedography in the general education (ἐγκύκλιος παίδευσις) with whose subject matter she busied herself for a long time, even though she freed herself from the childlike pursuit of these matters, once she devoted herself to higher studies and rhetoric; (d) Anna states that on account of her study of poets and historians she polished her style, and, then, with the help of rhetoric «rejected the overcomplicated complexity of schedography». Between the second and the third statement Anna clearly moves from her school days to her authorial present (ἀλλὰ νῦν) in order to express her critique of contemporary education, where the pursuit of learning does not concern anymore the works of high poetry and historiography, but has rather become a «boardgame» (πεττεία) and other such «immoral activities» (ἔργα ἀθέμιτα) 27. It is important to understand that Anna does not criticize schedography in general 28. The negative words she uses (ἀπήλλαγμαι, παιδαριώδης, κατέγνων) define the second stage of school education, concentrated on the technical mastery of Greek, from which Anna moved to the higher levels of rhetoric, philosophy, science and literature. «Smoothing the mound-like uneveness of my style» is the code-like phrase for signalling within a specific socio-cultural context the perfect identity of expression and meaning 29. Schedography, as a recent invention was very useful and 27 Already in 1138, Michael Italikos in his grand encomiastic oration on John II Komnenos, had used the negative characterization «cunning draught-players» (εὐ - φυεῖς πεττευταί, alluding to Plato) and «iamb-devourers» (ἰαμβειοφάγοι, alluding to Demosthenes) for writers who did not rise to the grandeur of the emperor s military deeds; see P. GAUTIER, Michel Italikos. Lettres et discours, Paris 1972 (Archives de l Orient Chrétien, 14), p GARZYA, Literarische und rhetorische Polemiken cit., p. 8 was the first to point to this passage, however, he was wrong in the assumption that these highly ironic attributes refer to Theodore Prodromos and his schedog - raphic activity; the two men were close friends as Italikos letters to Prodromos attest. On Prodromos schedographic production see VASSIS, Graeca sunt cit., passim. 28 R. ANASTASI, Ancora su Anna Comnena e la schedografia, in Studi di Filologia Bizantina, III, Catania 1985 (Quaderni del Siculorum Gymnasium, 15), pp , also proposed that Anna viewed schedography in a positive light. However, his overall reading of this passage differs substantially from the one offered here, because he believes that Anna comments on the situation in the time of Alexios. 29 This context is, on the one hand, the theatron of her mother Eirene Doukaina, on which see M. MULLETT, Aristocracy and patronage in the literary circles of Comnenian Constantinople, in The Byzantine Aristocracy IX to XIII Centuries. Papers of the Sixteenth Spring Symposium of Byzantine Studies (Edinburgh, March 1982), ed. by M. ANGOLD, Oxford 1984 (BAR International Series, 221), pp [repr. in M. MULLETT, Letters, Literacy and Literature in Byzantium, Aldershot 2007, nr. VIII]. On the other hand,

9 96 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS that is why Anna went through this training, but she did not consider it the final stage of a more essential paideia. Therefore, it is only after Anna has explained this course of rigorous training to her readers and her own attainment of the highest level, that she can from her own exalted position criticize the «utter neglect» of education in the first years of the reign of Manuel I Komnenos ( ), her flamboyant nephew, whom she despised 30. In fact, the mention of schedography and its childlike pursuits (i.e. for children and not childish) served Anna s political attack on an age that, in her eyes, had become superficial, uneducated and degenerate 31. Krumbacher, in his effort to defend Byzantine language instruction from the scorn of classicists 32, presented these «schoolbooks» (Schulbücher) as products of low-level education whose popularity grew, «the more folk education shrunk to a humble measure of elementary instruction along with the sinking of national welfare» 33. However, as a result of this distorted view of schedography, he misread the whole passage quoted above, making the learned kaisarissa scorn this kind of training at «primary school» (Volksschule) as being below the dignity of a princely writer and intellectual. Moreover, Krumbacher misunderstood the statement about the «boardgame», thinking that Anna actually referred in this derogatory manner to the schede, rather than to education as some form of inappropriate entertainment. Krumbacher s reading of Alexiad and the resulting image of an inimical attitude of high to low culture reflects his erroneous projection of a preconceived concept unto the evidence. His negative view of schedography was so strong that he remarked that «most of these elementary books deservedly rest in the dust of libraries» 34, a remark that went against his own declaration in the Anna supported a circle of philosophers, as we know from a long passage in the funeral oration George Tornikes wrote in her memory; see J. DARROUZES, Georges et Dèmètrios Tornikès. Lettres et discours, Paris 1970, pp : Alexiad (ed. REINSCH - KAMBYLIS cit., p ); see P. MAGDALINO, The pen of the aunt: echoes of the mid-twelfth century in the Alexiad, in T. GOUMA-PETER- SON (ed.), Anna Komnene and her Times, New York 2000, pp : Already GARZYA, Intorno al Prologo cit., pp , had recognized that this passage in the Alexiad is acted out in two distinct chronological phases that serve different purposes. 32 GBL 2, p «Diese Lehrmethode [ ] gewann [ ] eine um so grössere Verbreitung, je mehr der Volksunterricht mit dem Sinken der nationalen Wohlfahrt auf ein bescheidenes Mass elementarer Unterweisung zusammenschrumpfte» (GBL 2, p. 591). 34 «Die meisten dieser Elementarbücher ruhen verdientermaßen im Staube der Bibliotheken» (GBL 2, p. 592).

10 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 97 GBL s preface that nothing Byzantine should be left unstudied, even if it was ugly or unimportant 35. We can see here how an ideological bias cancels a methodological principle. In his study of the life and works of Theodore Prodromos, Synodis D. Papadimitriou ( ), professor of Greek at the University of Odessa 36, collected and analyzed a substantial number of passages on schedography and edited two of Prodromos schede (see above n. 2). He used the passage from the Alexiad as a guide, quoted freely from other authors of the twelfth century and from some of the unpublished schedographic collections 37, pointing to Krumbacher s misunderstanding of schedography as a training method and his misreading of the relevant passage. Georgina Buckler ( ) 38, in her pioneering study of Anna Komnene, discussed the passage in an intelligent manner, while she also pointed to Krumbacher s misreading and biased perspective towards «high education» 39. Paul Lemerle in his article on education in the eleventh century devoted a lengthy section on schedography at the time of Psellos and the «government of philosophers»; therein he discussed the passage from the Alexiad, agreeing, however, with Krumbacher that Anna rejected schedography as a whole 40. Papadimitriou s and Buckler s critique of Krumbacher where not taken into consideration by Herbert Hunger in the discussion of schedography in his handbook 41. In fact, Hunger also misunderstood the whole concept of eleventh- and twelfthcentury schedography since he, like Krumbacher, based his analysis on 35 GBL 1, pp. V-VII (reproduced in GBL 2, pp. V-VII, but with some significant omissions). 36 See K.K. PAPOULIDIS, Συνόδης Δ. Παπαδημητρίου, : Ἕνας ἐλάχιστα γνωστὸς λόγιος ἀπὸ τὴ Θεσσαλονίκη, in Μακεδονικά 16 (1976), pp He had studied the collections in the Marc. gr. IX.14, Mon. gr. 201, Par. gr and Laur. V Ch. ROUECHÉ, Georgina Buckler: the Making of a British Byzantinist, in The Making of Byzantine History. Studies Dedicated to Donald M. Nicol, ed. by R. BEATON - Ch. ROUECHÉ, Aldershot 1993 (Centre for Hellenic Studies, King s College London. Publications, 1), pp G. BUCKLER, Anna Comnena: A Study, Oxford 1929, pp and Despite Buckler s pertinent analysis, the passage was also misread by SCHIRÒ, La schedografia cit., p. 15, followed in his interpretation by EFTHYMIADIS, L enseignement cit., p. 268 and n LEMERLE, Cinq études cit., pp H. HUNGER, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur der Byzantiner, I-II, München 1978 (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft, XII/5,1-2): II, pp

11 98 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS Manuel Moschopoulos manual of the early fourteenth century 42. Thus, Hunger retained his predecessor s view of schedography, even quoting Krumbacher s negative statement 43. Thus, we can say with certainty that an erroneous reading of Alexiad has established itself as the communis opinio on Anna s view of schedography 44. However, it has been shown that schedography was not seen by Anna as a worthless type of grammatical exercise but as appropriate to young pupils and to the technical type of linguistic training they had to go through. We should also not forget that Anna went through this training around the age of ten, whereas she directed her critique at the practices of her time when she was finishing the Alexiad, that is, at a distance of almost sixty years. The effect of such temporal disjunctions in historical (qua autobiographical) discourse is that the author s experiences and opinions at the time of writing are projected upon the past and more often than not shape the narrative in a crucial manner 45. The passage on education and schedography in the Alexiad is important for another reason. In my opinion, the narrative sequence of the passage reflects the chronological sequence of the rise and development of schedography from the early eleventh to the middle of the twelfth century. The surviving evidence in connection with Anna s brief presentation of schedographic activity concur in setting the beginning of this «recent invention» to the early years of the eleventh century. An important reference that supports this date can be found in two poems of Christopher Mitylenaios, in which he praises the school of St. Theodore at the Sphorakios Quarter 46. The two poems were probaly written 42 Moschopoulos schedographic collection, accompanied by a mostly lexicographical commentary, still awaits a critical edition; see J.J. KEANEY, Moschopulea, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 64 (1971), pp , and GALLAVOTTI, Nota cit., pp HUNGER, Die hochsprachliche profane Literatur cit., II, p See, for example, the entry on schedography in the The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, III, ed. A.P. KAZHDAN ( ), New York-Oxford 1991, p (A.P. KAZH- DAN). 45 On the narrative problems created by this temporal disjunction in autobiographical discourse see Ph. LEJEUNE, Le pacte autobiographique, Paris , pp They are nrr. 9 and 10 in the collection transmitted in the Cryptens. Z.α.XXIX (13th cent.); the former poem is composed in iambs (Εἰς τὸ σχολεῖον τοῦ ἁγίου Θεοδώρου τῶν Σφωρακίου), the latter in hexameters (Εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ σχολεῖον. ἡρωϊκά). See now the new edition by M. DE GROOTE, Christophori Mitylenaii versuum variorum collectio Cryptensis, Turnhout 2012 (Corpus Christianorum. Series Graeca, 74), pp. 10 and 11 respectively. For a brief discussion of the two poems, along with poem 11, see K. DEMOEN, Phrasis poikilē: imitatio and variatio in the poetry book of Christophoros

12 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 99 during the very late years of the reign of Romanos III Argyros ( ) or the very early years of the reign of Michael IV ( ) 47. Although the two poems include references to schede, they have not been read carefully as to their details. The relevant verses run as follows: Poem Σχολὴ μεγίστου μάρτυρος Θεοδώρου πτωθῇ μὲν οὐκ ἄν, πρώξιμον κεκτημένη τὸν Στυλιανόν, ἀρραγῆ τινὰ στύλον ἦτταν δὲ δεινὴν οὔποτε σχέδους ἴδῃ, ἕως μαΐστωρ ἐστὶ γεννάδας Λέων οὗτος γὰρ ἤδη καὶ στομώσας τοὺς νέους καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐκδιδάξας τῶν λόγων, ἔξεισι θαρρῶν τοῖς μαθηταῖς ὡς ὅπλοις. The school of the greatest martyr Theodore shall not fall down, having as teacher Stylianos an unbreakable pillar; but the school shall never witness dreadful defeat of its schedos as long as the valorous Leo is its headmaster. For he already, having both trained his youths and thoroughly taught them the contests of discourses, goes <into battle> having confidence in his pupils as weapons. Poem Δείματο οὐρανίη σοφίη δόμον, ὃν στύλοι ἑπτά ἀσφαλέως ἀνέχουσιν, ἐφεσταότες κατὰ κόσμον δείματο καὶ σοφίη ἐγκύκλιος οἶκον ἑαυτῇ ἄστεος ἀμφὶ τόπον, τὸν Σφωρακίου καλέουσι στήσατο δὲ στύλον ἔνδον κείνου ἔμμεναι εἶλαρ, Στυλιανὸν μουσόφρονα, εἰδότα πολλὰ καὶ ἐσθλά. ἡδυεπῆ δὲ Λέοντα πρόμον ποίησε ἀγητόν, [ ] ὃς ῥὰ ἑὸν στόμα βάψας Μουσῶν εἰς νόον ἄκρον ῥοῦν ἐμέει σοφίης κούρων αἰεὶ περὶ ὦτα, οἵ, λιπαινόμενοί τε καὶ εὐλογίην ξυνάγοντες, Mitylenaios, in Imitatio-Aemulatio-Variatio. Akten des internationalen wissenschaftlichen Symposions zur byzantinischen Sprache und Literatur (Wien, Oktober 2008), hrsg. von A. RHOBY - E. SCHIFFER, Wien 2010 (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Denkschriften, 402; Veröffentlichungen zur Byzanzforschung, 21), pp : For an Italian translation with brief introductions see Cristoforo di Mitilene: Canzoniere, Catania 1983, pp Mitylenaios poems in the Grottaferrata collection are placed in chronological order; poem 8 treats the death of Romanos III Argyros ( ) while poem 18 dates from 1035; see DE GROOTE, Christophori Mitylenaii cit., pp. XXII-XXIII.

13 100 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS τῶν πάντων κρατέουσι νέων σχεδέων ἐν ἀγῶσιν, οὕνεκα τοῖσι Λέων γε διδάσκαλος ἐστὶν ἄριστος, οὗ δὴ καὶ κλέος ἔσται ἀγήραον ἤματα πάντα. Heavenly wisdom built a building which seven pillars safely uphold, setting it up in good order 48 ; all-round wisdom also built a house for herself in that place of the city, which is called «of Sphorakios». She also erected a pillar inside that house to be a defense, the poetically minded Stylianos who knows many and good things. And she placed there sweet-speaking Leo as an admirable leader, [ ] who then, having dipped his mouth in the innermost thought of poetry, always pours forth the stream of wisdom around the ears of boys; these, enriched and gathering eloquence, are victorious over all youths in the contests of schede, on account of which Leo is the best teacher, whose fame will indeed be ageless for all days to come. Christopher wishes that maistor Leo, the school s current headmaster (9.5, 10.20), will continue leading his pupils to victories in the schedographic contests ( ), so that the school might never witness defeat in a schedographic contest (9.4-5) 49. But the school of St. Theodore, Christopher writes, will not ever suffer ruin because it possessed Stylianos as its proximos (9.2-3, ) 50, an unbrakeable pillar 48 The two verses clearly echoe the famous verse of Proverbs 9.1 on the seven pillars of Wisdom: Ἡ σοφία ᾠκοδόμησεν ἑαυτῇ οἶκον καὶ ὑπήρεσεν στύλους ἑπτά. At the same time, they can be read as a reference to Constantinople (the ἄστυ of v. 4) and its seven hills; on these see now A. BERGER, Das apokalyptische Konstantinopel: Topographisches in apokalyptischen Schriften der mittelbyzantinischen Zeit, in Endzei - ten: Eschatologie in den monotheistischen Weltreligionen, hrsg. von W. BRANDES - F. SCHMIEDER, Berlin 2008 (Millennium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des er - sten Jahrtausends n. Chr., 16), pp , with a discussion of all relevant texts. 49 In the second part of a poem On subjunctive verbs, probably by Niketas of Herakleia, also known as ὁ τοῦ Σερρῶν (ca ca. 1120), a schedographic contest is described with the iconography of a horse race (vv ). The poem has been edited by Sp. LAMBROS, Ἰωάννου τοῦ Τζέτζου Περὶ ρημάτων αὐθυποτάκτων στίχοι πολιτικοί, in Νέος Ἑλληνομνήμων 16 (1922), pp ; for the attribution to Niketas see C. WENDEL, Tzetzes Ioannes, in Paulys Realencyklopädie ( ), VIIA/2, München- Stuttgart 1948, cols : , with the relevant bibliography. In my opinion, the poem is a schedos presenting to the pupils the grammatical problem first and, then, offering examples of usage in the second part; see similar verse schede in the Vat. Pal. gr. 92, nrr. 3, 6, 30, 34, 39, 41, 59, 60, 111, 168 (from the detailed list in VASSIS, Τῶν νέων φιλολόγων παλαίσματα cit., pp ). 50 For the term πρώξιμος, meaning «teacher», see Lexikon zur byzantinischen Gräzität, erstellt von E. TRAPP unter Mitarbeit von W. HÖRANDNER - J. DIETHART,

14 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 101 (στύλος) planted in the very middle of the school by «all-round wisdom», that is, general education (ἐγκύκλιος παιδεία). Stylianos is mentioned in the same prominent position and with the same wordplay in both poems. He must therefore have been either the school s founder or its most prominent teacher at a time before Leo. It is highly probable that this person is the Stylianos mentioned by Anna 51. Stylianos therefore preceded Longibardos, who should be viewed as a contemporary of the maistor Leo and of Christopher Mitylenaios 52. The identification of the two Stylianoi is supported by the schedographic context in which they appear in the two poems and in the Alexiad 53. Obviously, no negative attitude towards schedography can be detected in Christopher s poems. In the immediately following poem of the Grottaferrata collection (nr. 11) 54, Christopher addresses the maistor of the school of the Virgin Mary at the Chalkoprateia 55. The poet makes some scathing remarks on the avariciousness of the man who sells his schede to his pupils for gold instead of copper 56. Inappropriately, the mais- VII, Wien 2011 (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophischhistorische Klasse. Denkschriften, 417; Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für Byzan - tinistik, 6/7), s.v., with various references. 51 Ed. REINSCH - KAMBYLIS cit., p : παρίημι δὲ Στυλιανοὺς τινὰς καὶ τοὺς λεγομένους Λογγιβάρδους. 52 The proposal to identify the two Stylianoi was made by E. FOLLIERI, Le poesie di Cristoforo di Mitilene come fonte storica, in Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta 8 (1964), pp : on poems 9-10; it was accepted by LEMERLE, Cinq études cit., pp Neither scholar compared the sequence of names in Christopher and Anna, thus believing that Stylianos, Leon and Longibardos belonged to the middle of the 11th century (so also EFTHYMIADIS, L enseignement cit., p. 267). On the identification of the two Stylianoi see also S. LUCÀ, Le diocesi di Gerace e Squillace: tra manoscritti e marginalia, in Calabria bizantina: Civiltà bizantina nei territori di Gerace e Stilo. Atti dell XI Incontro di Studi bizantini (Locri-Stilo-Gerace, 6-9 maggio 1993), Soveria Mannelli 1998, pp : Lucà suggested that a certain Stylianos, fellow student of Michael Psellos (E. KURTZ - F. DREXL, Michaelis Pselli scripta minora magnam partem adhuc inedita, II: Epistulae, Milano 1941, pp ; ep. 11), could be the proximos Stylianos; however, the dates do not fit, since that Stylianos would be approximately years old around 1035, when Christopher wrote his two poems. 53 It seems not improbable that a number of schede bearing in their lemmata τοῦ κυροῦ Στυλιανοῦ should be attributed to the proximos Stylianos, given the rarity of the name in the middle Byzantine period; see VASSIS, Graeca sunt cit., p. 4 and n. 20, and GALLAVOTTI, Nota cit., p. 27 and DE GROOTE, Christophori Mitylenaii cit., p. 12 (Εἰς τὸν μαΐστορα τῆς σχολῆς τῶν Χαλκοπρατείων). 55 On this school see LEMERLE, Cinq études cit., pp , and KATSAROS, Ἰωάννης Κασταμονίτης cit., pp. 172 n. 61, and 186 n Carm : ἀπεμπολεῖ πλὴν οὐχὶ χαλκοῦ τὰ σχέδη ὁμωνύμως πὼς τῇ σχολῇ τῆς Παρθένου, χρυσοῦ δὲ μᾶλλον, ὢν φιλόχρυσος φύσει («for he sells his schede not for

15 102 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS tor has transformed the school at the «Coppermarket» into a «Schedomarket» 57. This is not a critique of schedography but a satirical attack against a corrupt teacher who dishonours the Virgin under whose protection his school is placed. A closer examination of all other references to schedography in the eleventh century shows that they are unanimously positive 58. It is therefore important to note that the evidence concerning schedography and its practice shows a coherently positive picture about this part of general education approximately until the middle of the twelfth century. In fact, the specific passage of the Alexiad, written around 1150, is the earliest evidence for a critique of schedography in the twelfth century 59. As we saw, however, Anna Komnene s negative phrases are related to political and moral issues concerning her nephew Manuel and his rule rather than to schedography as such. The Alexiad also served Krumbacher as a chief witness to what he perceived as the elitist oppression of the learned language towards the copper in a manner somehow homonymous to the school of the Virgin, but rather for gold, being by nature a lover of gold»). It seems that this maistor was infamous for his greed, as an equally scathing letter of Michael Psellos attests; see K.N. SATHAS, Μιχαὴλ Ψελλοῦ ἱστορικοὶ λόγοι, ἐπιστολαὶ καὶ ἄλλα ἀνέκδοτα, Paris 1876 (Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, 5), pp (ep. 168). 57 Carm : σχεδοπρατεῖον οὐ πρεπόντως, ὦ δίκη, Χαλκοπρατείων τὴν σχολὴν δεικνὺς τάλας. Christopher has allowed himself a splendid antistoichic joke by placing the two five-syllable words in the beginning of the two consecutive verses; due to the identical pronunciation of omikron and omega, stressed by the pause after the fifth syllable of the iambic line, the listeners would be uncertain about the case (accusative singular or genitive plural) of the two neuter nouns until the very end of the second verse. 58 Beyond the already mentioned poem by Niketas of Herakleia (see above p. 100 n. 49), see, for example, Psellos, ep. 16 and 24 (ed. KURTZ - DREXL cit., II, pp and 30-31), on the good use of schede in school; Psellos, ep. 115 (ed. SATHAS cit., p. 361), on the ekdosis of a schedos by the emperor Constantine IX Monomachos himself; Mauropous, carm. 68 and 70 (P. DE LAGARDE, Iohannis Euchaitorum metropolitae quae in codice Vaticano graeco 676 supersunt, Göttingen 1882 [Abhandlungen der historisch-philologischen Classe der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 28], p. 37), the latter poem again on a schedos written out in red ink by Monomachos; Mauropous, ep. 74 (A. KARPOZILOS, The Letters of Ioannes Mauropous Metropolitan of Euchaita, Thessalonike 1990 [Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae, 34], pp ), on advising a young grammarian to complete all of his general education and not only schedography or poetry. 59 The other evidence comes from critical remarks expressed by Nikephoros Basilakes, Eustathios of Thessalonike and John Tzetzes; they are all dated after 1155; see now P.A. AGAPITOS, Grammar, genre and patronage in the twelfth century: a scientific paradigm and its implications, in Jahrbuch der österreichischen Byzantinistik 64 (2014) [forthcoming].

16 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 103 vernacular during the «Atticist Renaissance» of the twelfth century, since he considered the Komnenian era to be the turning point for the formal establishment of «literary diglossia» in Byzantium 60. The main passage supposedly showing this elitist perspective comes from the early part of the work. Anna describes in Book 2 how the young general Alexios, her father, became involved in a revolt against emperor Nikephoros Bo - taneiates ( ). During the secret preparations, Alexios escaped from a trap set by his opponents and left Constantinople before the break of dawn on a cold winter night of The inhabitants of the capital showed their approval of his actions by praising him in a song 61 : Ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξιος καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ αἰτήσας ὅρκον καὶ λαβὼν δρομαῖος ἄπεισιν οἴκαδε καὶ πάντα ἀνακοινοῦται τοῖς αὐτοῦ. Νὺξ ἦν ἡ τῆς Τυροφάγου Κυριακῆς, καθ ἣν οὐμὸς πατὴρ ταῦτα ἐσκέπτετο. Τῇ δὲ μετ αὐτὴν ὄρθρου βαθέος μετὰ τῶν ἀμφ αὐτὸν ἐξεληλύθει τῆς πόλεως. Ἔνθέν τοι καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἀποδεξάμενον τῆς ὁρμῆς τὸν Ἀλέξιον καὶ τῆς ἀγχινοίας ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ᾀσμάτιον αὐτῷ ἀνεπλέξαντο ἐξ ἰδιώτιδος μὲν συγκείμενον γλώττης, αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν τοῦ πράγματος ἐπίνοιαν ἐμμελέστατά πως ἀνα - κρουόμενον καὶ π α ρ ε μ φ α ῖ ν ο ν τήν τε προαίσθησιν τῆς κατ ἐκείνου ἐπι - βουλῆς καὶ τὰ παρ αὐτοῦ μεμηχανημένα. Τὸ δὲ ᾀσμάτιον αὐταῖς λέξεσιν εἶχεν οὕτως «Τὸ Σάββατον τῆς Τυρινῆς, χαρῇς, Ἀλέξη, ἐνόησές το, καὶ τὴν Δευτέραν τὸ πρωὶ ὕπα καλῶς, γεράκιν μου». Εἶχε δὲ ὧδέ πως ἐ ν ν ο ί α ς τὸ διαφημιζόμενον ἐκεῖνο ᾀσμάτιον, ὡς ἄρα «Κατὰ μὲν τὸ Τυρώνυμον Σάββατον ὑπέρευγέ σοι τῆς ἀγχινοίας, Ἀλέξιε, τὴν δὲ μετὰ τὴν Κυριακὴν Δευτέραν ἡμέραν καθάπέρ τις ὑψιπέτης ἱέραξ ἀφίπτασο τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων βαρβάρων». Alexios, after having also asked from him an oath and receiving it 62, speedily returned home and reported everything to his people. It was the night of Cheese-Eating Sunday during which my father made these 60 See the succinct statement in GBL 2, pp He had already expressed his views on this matter in his travel book; see K. KRUMBACHER, Griechische Reise: Blätter aus dem Tagebuche einer Reise in Griechenland und in der Türkei, Berlin 1886, pp. XXIV-XXXVI, where he also equated the Modern Greek «Language Question» (Τὸ γλωσσικὸν ζήτημα) with what he perceived as Byzantine diglossia; see P. MACKRIDGE, Language and National Identity in Greece , Oxford 2009, pp on the language controversy, and F. TINNEFELD, Karl Krumbacher und der Streit um die neugriechische Schriftsprache, in Margarite Poljakovskoj kollegi, druz ja, učeniki, Red. koll. H.-F. BEYER, Ekaterinburg 2002 (Antičnaja drevnost i srednie veka, 33), pp , on Krumbacher s involvement in this controversy. 61 Alexiad (ed. REINSCH - KAMBYLIS cit., pp ); German translation and notes in REINSCH, Anna Komnene: Alexias cit., pp ; SEWTER, The Alexiad cit., pp again offers a very free rendering of the passage. 62 This is Constantine Umbertopoulos, a Norman warrior in the service of Alexios.

17 104 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS preparations 63. In the early morning of the next day, he left the city with his companions. And so, the people, who had accepted Alexios because of his audacity and acumen, composed out of the very situation a little song for him; it was made out of everyday language, but it intoned the very foresight of the stratagem in a most melodious manner, while it h i n t e d at his sensing the attack against him in advance, and at what he devised against this plot. The little song runs in its own words as follows: «On the Saturday of the Cheese-Eating Week, hail, Alexis, you grasped it; and then, on Monday morning, fare well, my falcon». The i n t e n d e d m e a n i n g of that popular little song was something like this: «On Cheese-Named Saturday, congratulations on account of your acumen, Alexios; but on the day second to Sunday, like some high-soaring falcon, you flew away from the plotting foreigners» 64. Here Anna quotes in full the original text of a «little song» (ᾀσμάτιον) composed in octosyllabic-couplets 65. The song is not a folksong in the modern sense of the term, but belongs to the kind of laudatory or derogatory songs addressed by the citizens to a specific person within a specific historical context. Such songs were mostly composed by the professional chanters (κράκται) of the capital s circus factions (δῆμοι) 66. Obviously, these songs, aiming at an immediate communicative impact, were composed in a rhythmically organized colloquial discourse, but none of them employed the fifteen-syllable verse normally associated with Modern Greek folksongs. Krumbacher pointed to the vast distance between Anna s studied Greek and the vernacular language of the song 67. He refers to this and another song (Alexiad ) as two examples of «folksongs» sung by the people against (!) Alexios, an obvious misunder- 63 The night of the Cheese-Eating Sunday, i.e. from Saturday to Sunday, which is the last day before the beginning of Lent; it was 14 February Anna refers here to Borilos and Germanos, two officials of Botaneiates, who were acting as the emperor s «prime-ministers» (παραδυναστεύοντες), and who were of Pecheneg descent. 65 See M.D. LAUXTERMANN, The Spring of Rhythm: An Essay on the Political Verse and Other Byzantine Metres, Wien 1999 (Byzantina Vindobonensia, 22), pp ; unfortunately, the author omits this song from his discussion of early accentual metrics (ibid., p. 66 n. 147). 66 See P. MAAS, Metrische Akklamationen der Byzantiner, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift 21 (1912), pp [reprinted in ID., Kleine Schriften, hrsg. von H. BUCHWALD, München 1973, pp ], who includes the song from the Alexiad on p. 36 (= reprint, p. 402) as nr. VII, 1. On the demes in the middle Byzantine period and their songs see Al. CAMERON, Circus Factions: Blues and Greens at Rome and Byzantium, Oxford 1976, pp GBL 1, p. 81 n. 5, and GBL 2, p. 277 and n. 2.

18 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 105 standing of the relevant passages. Krumbacher also postulated that Komnene s «failed translation» of the song showed the contempt which the learned kaisarissa felt for the vernacular language. Beyond this misreading, the actual text of the song presented problems to the previous editors of the Alexiad because they did not understand some of its colloquial phrases or its metrical structure 68. Other scholars made an effort to normalize the song s «irregular» rhythm, for example, Nikolaos Politis ( ), the founder of Greek folklore studies 69, who included the song in his influential anthology of Modern Greek folksongs 70. From there the ᾀσμάτιον found its way to further anthologies and overviews of (Early) Modern Greek literature 71. Going back to the Alexiad, we will notice that Anna explicitly refers to the song as «made out of everyday language» and positively comments that the song «intoned the very foresight of the stratagem in a most melodious manner». By using the philosophical-rhetorical term παρ - εμφαῖνον, she also remarks that the song «hinted at» Alexios sensing beforehand the trap set for him 72. Therefore, she expounds to her readers the song s «intended meaning» this is what the technical term ἔννοια indicates 73 by including an exegesis of it. What she offers is not a failed translation into high Atticist diction, as Krumbacher and other scholars thought, but an expanded interpretation of the song in the stylistic level she uses throughout the Alexiad. It is the type of exegesis 68 One can look at the relevant passages in the editions of A. REIFFERSCHEID (1884) and B. LEIB (1937), especially concerning v. 2 which appears as χαρὰ στ Ἀλέξιε ἐννόησές το an incomprehensible distortion. In the new critical edition by REINSCH - KAMBYLIS (2001) the colloquial form of the young general s name has been restored from the manuscript into the main text. Moreover, the older editions printed ἐννόησές against the transmitted ἐνόησές, i.e. from νοῶ and not from the more recondite ἐννοῶ. 69 See N.G. POLITIS, Δημώδη βυζαντινὰ ἄσματα, in Λαογραφία 3 ( ), pp : , where he commented on the song and its metrical form (v. 2 appears as χαρῇς, Ἀλέξιε, ἐννόησες το with no enclitic accent). 70 N.G. POLITIS, Ἐκλογὴ ἀπὸ τὰ τραγούδια τοῦ ἑλληνικοῦ λαοῦ, Ἀθῆναι 1914, p. 251, with a Modern Greek paraphrase. 71 For example, in L. POLITIS, Ποιητικὴ Ἀνθολογία, I: Πρὶν ἀπὸ τὴν Ἅλωση, Ἀθήνα 1967, pp. 188 and [Ἀθήνα , pp and ] and in G. KECHA- GIOGLOU, Από τον ύστερο Μεσαίωνα ώς τον 18ο αιώνα. Εισαγωγή στα παλιότερα κείμενα της νεοελληνικής λογοτεχνίας, Θεσσαλονίκη 2009, pp (with erroneous presentation of the historical context); Kechagioglou, moreover, does not use the text of the new critical edition but reprints Politis normalized text. 72 The verb is used, for example, by Aristotle and Dionysius of Halicarnassus. 73 See, for example, Hermog. Prog. 6 (RABE ) and Id. 2.4 (RABE ).

19 106 PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS Anna had learned at school through her training in schedography, and that was applied to all kinds of texts needing paraphrastic interpretation, from proverbs 74 to Homer 75. In fact, nowhere in the Alexiad do the terms ἰδιῶτις γλῶττα or ἰδιῶτις λέξις imply any negative characterization of everyday speech, nor is any opposition between learned and vernacular expressed 76. Moreover, ἰδιῶτις γλῶττα applies here to the actual everyday language of a popular song and not to a specimen of «vernacular literature», such as the verse narrative of Digenis Akritis would supposedly be. Schedography and everyday language were not rejected by Anna in their totality. Her attitude was defined by her political evaluation of concrete situations: the support offered by the capital s citizens to a truly gifted young general, and Manuel s decadent times when education had become a mere entertainment. The preceding analysis has demonstrated the constraints imposed on understanding Byzantine texts in their proper historical and literary environment by interpretive models based on specific ideologies, such as «national culture, language and education», and «ethnic identity», projected unto the remote past. Obviously, Krumbacher created such models in an effort to elevate Byzantine literature to an independent field of study and to establish Byzantine philology as an autonomous academic discipline 77. However, his model cannot anymore interpret satisfactorily the available material, especially after the research of the past thirty years in matters of textual and literary criticism. The case of the Alexiad and the opinions of its author about schedography and colloquial discourse are just such a case where the model not only failed to do justice to the 74 For example, a large collection attributed to Maximos Planoudes, offering paraphrastic versions of actual Byzantine proverbs; see E. KURTZ, Die Sprichwörtersammlung des Maximus Planudes, Leipzig See the presentation of various Iliad paraphrases from Byzantine school practice by I. VASSIS, Die handschriftliche Überlieferung der sogenannten Psellos-Paraphrase der Ilias, Hamburg 1991 (Meletemata, 2), pp See Alexiad and An indicative example of the absence of any negative remark concerning colloquial discourse can be found at , where Anna remarks on a derisory song composed by «actors» during the public humiliation of a group of rebels in ca. 1098; see REINSCH, Anna Komnene: Alexias cit., pp (translation and notes). 77 See briefly F. TINNEFELD, Die Begründung der Byzantinistik als wissenschaftliche Disziplin, in Karl Krumbacher: Leben und Werk, hrsg. von P. SCHREINER - E. VOGT, München 2011 (Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse. Sitzungsberichte, Jahrgang 2011, 4), pp

20 ANNA KOMNENE AND THE POLITICS OF SCHEDOGRAPHIC TRAINING 107 textual material, but also created a specific negative image about «learned secondary education» and «everyday language» in the twelfth century, which had serious consequences for the study of Komnenian literature and its history. PANAGIOTIS A. AGAPITOS University of Cyprus

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