MGDLT 6 TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON MODERN GREEK DIALECTS & LINGUISTIC THEORY. September 25-28, 2014 University οf Patras

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1 6TH MGDLT 6 TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON MODERN GREEK DIALECTS & LINGUISTIC THEORY ABSTRACT S BOOKLET September 25-28, 2014 University οf Patras

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3 Sponsors 3 6 th International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic theory Patras 25-28/09/2014 Permanent Scientific Committee Prof. Mark Janse, Ghent University Prof. Brian D. Joseph, Ohio State University Prof. Angela Ralli, University of Patras Local organizing Committee (University of Patras) Prof. Angela Ralli Nikos Koutsoukos Marios Andreou Michalis Marinis Marianna Gkiouleka Vasiliki Makri Niki Spiliopoulou Christos Papanagiotou Katerina Fragkopoulou Vasilia Alexelli Timon Kardamas

4 4 6th MGDLT Sponsors The workshop as well as the organization of the 6 th International Conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory are sponsored by the - Pontus, Cappadocia, Aivali: In search of Asia Minor Greek (AMiGre)-THALIS Program (D. 553). This research has been co-financed by the European Union (European Social Fund ESF) and Greek national funds through the Operational Program "Education and Lifelong Learning" of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF) - Research Funding Program: Thalis. Investing in knowledge society through the European Social Fund. The organization of the general session has also been generously sponsored by the University of Patras Research Committee.

5 MGDLT6 is dedicated to Emer. Prof. G. Drachman for his substantial contribution to Greek linguistics. 5

6 6 6th MGDLT

7 Table of contents Thematic session convenors Thematic session description Α. Invited speakers of the thematic session Language universals, language variation and the predictions of the Directional Asymmetry Principle Prof. A. M. Di Sciullo Uncovering the sources of the specific sound patterns of the emerging regional dialects of sixteenth-century French Emeritus Prof. Y. C. Morin Debonding of compounds in French, English, Dutch and German Prof. K.Van Goethem B. Invited speakers of the general session The role of prosody in the investigation of linguistic variation Prof. Amalia Arvaniti Contact de langues: les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie Prof. Petya Asenova C. Oral presentations Αναφορικές δομές στις νεοελληνικές μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους Eirini Kriki Morphologically enhanced spatial deixis in Pontic: the case of [-]késou Marianna Gkiouleka Is compound borrowing possible in language-contact settings? Prof. A.Ralli Metaphorical and metonymical compounds: evidence from Modern Greek dialects M. Andreou Auxiliary selection in Greko of Bova: a Greek-Romance comparison Norma Schifano, Giuseppina Silvestri & Maria Olimpia Squillaci Πολυσυλλεκτικότητα ή εντοπιότητα; Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης Nikolaos Liosis

8 8 6th MGDLT Συντελικές περιφραστικές δομές: δεδομένα από μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους Symeon Tsolakidis Modal markers in Pontic and Cappadocian: disentangling the evidences Theodore Markopoulos To ρηματικό επίθημα -σκ- στην Καππαδοκική Nikolaos Pantelidis Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis: Towards a new Typology of Loanwords Brian D. Joseph Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis: word formation, loanword formation and hybrid word-formation Mark Janse Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die Petros Karatsareas & Athanasios Georgakopoulos Revisiting the borrowability scale(s) of grammatical elements: evidence from Modern Greek contact induced varieties Dimitra Melissaropoulou & Michalis Marinis Thumb's Up! Our Updating of Thumb's Classic Work on Modern Greek Mark Janse and Brian D. Joseph The acoustic properties of the vowel system of Pontic: Comparison between the variety of Argiroulopi and the variety of Kerasounda Dimitris Papazachariou Instances of sibilant palatalization in the dialect of Naousa Ioanna Kappa & Konstantinos Sipitanos The Cretan fall: an analysis of the declarative intonation melody in the Cretan dialect Mary Baltazani1 & Evia Kainada Blocking of velar palatalization in child speech Nitsa Paracheraki & Ioanna Kappa Επιτονισμός των ερωτήσεων ολικής άγνοιας στην Κερκυραϊκή διάλεκτο Maria Giakoumelou Retroflexion of /l/ in Modern Greek dialects: The case of Aperathou (Naxos) dialect Maria Xefteri, Angelos Lengeris & Kalomoira Nikolou... 60

9 Coherence in the mix? Coherence in the face of diglossia and language shift in Cypriot Greek Stavroula Tsiplakou, Dimitris Evripidou & Spyros Armosti A non-finite period in early Cypriot Greek? Renos Georgiou, Christos Papatzalas & Arhonto Terzi Referential clauses as/and relative clauses in Pharasiot Greek Metin Bağrıaçık Griko subjunctive as a contact-induced phenomenon Marika Lekakou & Josep Quer Greek dialects in Southern Italy: nominal syntax between Greek and Romance? Cristina Guardiano & Melita Stavrou D. Poster presentations Παρακείμενος Yoryia Agouraki Ετερόκλιση και Παραδειγματική Ομοιομορφία στην Ονοματική Κλίση της διαλέκτου της Λέσβου και των Κυδωνιών Vaso Alexelli & Angela Ralli Orthographic trends for a non-standardised variety: the representation of the CiV sequence in Cypriot Greek Marianna Katsoyannou, Kyriaki Christodoulou & Spyros Armosti A typology of vowel-vowel and consonant-vowel-consonant phenomena in the dialectal variants of Western Crete and its use in education Marina Tzakosta Compiling the microstructure of a multi-media tri-dialectal online dictionary: Decisions and practices Eleonora Dimela, Dimitra Melissaropoulou, Christos Papanagiotou, George J. Xydopoulos & Angela Ralli Vowel raising and deletion in Kozani Greek Evia Kainada, Angelos Lengeris & Nina Topintzi Challenges of Annotating a Multi-Dialect, Multi-Level Corpus of Spoken and Written Modern Greek Dialects Athanasios Karasimos, Eleni Galiotou, Nikitas Karanikolas, George Koronakis, Kostas Athanasakos, Dimitris Papazachariou & Angela Ralli

10 10 6th MGDLT Ανίχνευση πολιτισμικών στοιχείων στο διαδίκτυο: Ψηφιακές προκλήσεις στην έρευνα Διαλεκτολογίας και Εθνολογίας Athanasios Karasimos & Iraklitos Souyioultzoglou Determiner spreading in Cappadocian Greek Petros Karatsareas & Marika Lekakou Loanword integration substantiating the realization of gender in Heptanesian, Grekaniko and Cretan Vasiliki Makri Η Κατωιταλική διάλεκτος του Σαλέντο σε σχέση με τις υπόλοιπες νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους Vladimir Panov «Διαλεκτικά λεξικά και γλωσσάρια της Ηλείας» Μία λεξικογραφική περιγραφή Athina Prountzou Parallel Voices: A socioprosodic study of Standard Modern Greek and Cypriot Greek Vowels Charalambos Themistocleous & Ageliki Logotheti Qualitative research in service of the Greek dialects and their teaching in the Greek educational system: the case of the Digital Museum of Greek Oral History Marina Tzakosta, Anna Sfakianaki & Angelos Patsias Περιγραφή του μορφολογικού συστήματος της Σύνθεσης στα γλωσσικά ιδιώματα της Ίμβρου και της Λήμνου Xenofon Tzavaras Η πρόσληψη της γεωγραφικής ποικιλότητας σε κείμενα μαζικής κουλτούρας από μαθητές της Ε και ΣΤ Δημοτικού Dimitris Papazachariou, Anna Fterniati, Argyris Archakis & Vasia Tsami Voices of Thrace: A fieldwork-based morphophonological analysis of the dialect spoken in the region of Evros Theodosia Papadopoulou Tsakonian: Problems and Approaches Maxim Kissilier

11 Thematic session 11 Thematic session Language variation

12 12 6th MGDLT Thematic session convenors Laboratory of Modern Greek dialects (University of Patras) Professor Angela Ralli University of Patras Thematic session description Language variation has been a rather peripheral topic in modern grammatical theory since it poses serious challenges to formal linguistics and contemporary grammatical theories which mainly aim to describe language as an ideal system. However, scholars who focus on issues such as vocabulary, dialects or language registers, readily drop this idealization and try to integrate variation in their analysis. The Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects (LMGD) team has undertaken a number of projects which focus on dialectal variation and its relation to contemporary grammatical theory. As part of the - Pontus, Cappadocia, Aivali: In search of Asia Minor Greek (AMiGre)-THALES Program project, the LMGD team is organizing a workshop on language variation within the framework of the 6 th International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. This project constitutes the first attempt at a comprehensive comparative linguistic study of the Asia Minor Greek dialects. Its primary aim is to provide the first complete comparative study of the major Asia Minor dialects, a work which has long been neglected both in Greek and international linguistics. Moreover, it brings together language change and variation studies which are of particular interest for both dialectology and contact linguistics. The analysis of these dialects aims at understanding the nature and mechanisms of language change within the domain of dialectal variation and language contact, conjointly. The aim of this workshop is to bridge contemporary grammatical theory and grammatical variation. To this aim, we have invited specialists in language variation with great experience in the analysis of data and we aim to discuss the difficult issue of language variation form different perspectives.

13 Thematic session 13 The program is built on 3 plenary talks which cover issues such as: the relation between language variation and contemporary grammatical theory, phonological and morphological variation. References Jackendoff, R. (2011). What is in the human language faculty? Two views. Language 87(3), Janda R. & B. Joseph (2003). On Language, Change, and Language Change Or, Of History, Linguistics, and Historical Linguistics (with Richard D. Janda). In B. Joseph & R. Janda (Eds.) Handbook of Historical Linguistics (3-180). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Ralli, A Morphology meets dialectology: Insights from Modern Greek dialects. Morphology 2009 (1): Ralli, A. (submitted). Morphological variation in Modern Greek and its dialects. Proceedings of the 11 th International Conference on Greek Linguistics. Α. Invited speakers of the thematic session Language universals, language variation and the predictions of the Directional Asymmetry Principle Prof. Anna Maria Di Sciullo Université du Québec à Montréal I assume that the Language Faculty is stable, that languages vary given contact with the environment and that linguistic variation in word order is the consequence of a change in the properties grammatical features, triggering or not the displacement of a constituent. Diachronic variation is gradual and it brings about morphological complexity giving rise to differences in the form and in the distribution of morphological elements, including prepositions, postpositions, adpositions, and circumpositions. I discuss diachronic evidence from Italian and Greek showing that the Directional Asymmetry Principle, (1), reduces the complexity that arises in the development of functional elements

14 14 6th MGDLT in the extended nominal projection, (1), along side other principles of efficient computation, (3), (4). (1) Directional Asymmetry Principle (DAP) (Di Sciullo 2011) Language development is symmetry breaking. (2) [Quniv... [Dem... [Numord... [RC... [Numcard... [Cl... [A...N]]]]]]] (Cinque 2005) (3) a. Minimize symmetry: Limit the choice points. (Moro 2000, Di Sciullo 2005) b. Minimize length of derivations: Limit computation. (Di Sciullo 2012) (4) a. Minimal link: Limit the search space. (Chomsky 1995) b. Pronounce the Minimum: Limit the externalization. (Chomsky 2012) The DAP is not a global principle. It is a local principle applying to micro feature structures as discussed in Di Sciullo (2011), Di Sciullo and Nicolis (2012), Di Sciullo and Somesfalean (2013) and, Di Sciullo, Nicolis and Somesfalean (forthcoming). Once an asymmetrical stage it attained, i.e., a stage where a choice point arises in the derivation of a given microstructure, DAP predicts that this point of symmetry will gradually be eliminated. For example, while there is fluctuation in the position of the pronominal complement with respect to its commitative prepositional head in Old Italian (5-8), only the prepositional structure survives in Modern Italian. (5). e per li compagnoni che teco fuggiro, per li dei... (Brunetto, Rettorica) (6) neiente de lo mondo ; con te le tue, parole voria conte avere... (Rinuccino, Sonetti) (7) E perciò ch' io so bene ch' assai val meglio che tu parli con teco, che né io né altri, sì fo io fine alla mia diceria. (Brunetto, ProLigario) (8) Non ti dar malinconia, figliuola, no, che egli si fa bene anche qua; Neerbale ne servira bene con esso teco Domenedio. (Boccaccio, The Decameron) (13th century Old Florentine corpus TLIO)

15 Thematic session 15 I contrast the DAP with Greenberg s (1966) absolute and implicational universals, such as the ones for prepositions, as well as more recent proposals, including Biberauer, Holmberg and Roberts (2010) proposal on head-directionality and complementation in extended projections and Kayne s (2011) proposal on head-directionality and Probe-goal search. The DAP is a Developmental Universal which provide a new approach to language variation. Furthermore, Developmental Universals can be related to principles of language growth, thus providing deeper links between phylogeny and ontogeny. References Biberauer, T., A. Holmberg & I. Roberts A syntactic universal and its Consequences. Linguistic Inquiry 36: Chomsky, N Problems of Projection. Lingua 130: Chomsky, N The Minimalist Program. Cambridge Mass: MIT Press. Cinque, G Deriving Greenberg s Universal 20 and its exceptions. Linguistic Inquiry 36 3: Greenberg, J The Universals of Language. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press Di Sciullo, A.M An Evolutionary Developmental Constraint. MIT. Department of Linguistics and Philosophy. Cambridge, Mass. Di Sciullo, A.M Perspectives on Morphological Complexity. Dans F. Kiefer, M. Ladanyi et P. Siptar (eds.), Morphology. (Ir)regularity, Frequency, Typology, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Di Sciullo, A.M A Biolinguistic Approach to Variation. In A.M. Di Sciullo ad C. Boeckx (eds.) The biolinguistic Entreprise: New Perspectives on the Evolution and Nature of the Human Language Faculty, p Oxford : Oxford University Press. Di Sciullo, A.M Asymmetry in Morphology. Cambridge. Mass: The MIT Press. Di Sciullo, A.M. and S. Somesfalean Variation in the Position of the Definite Determiner in Romanian: A Biolinguistic Perspective. Romance Linguistics in the

16 16 6th MGDLT Pacific: Variation in Time and Space. Special Issue of the Australian Journal of Linguistics 33(2): Taylor & Francis. Di Sciullo, A.M. and M. Nicolis Third Factor in the Development of P. North East Linguistic Society. University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Kayne, R Why are There No Directionality Parameters?. In M Byram Washburn et al (ed) Proceedings of the 28th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics: Somerville: Cascadilla. Moro, A Dynamic Antisymmetry. Cambridge. Mass: The MIT Press. 13th century Old Florentine corpus TLIO Tesoro della Lingua Italiana delle Origin. Uncovering the sources of the specific sound patterns of the emerging regional dialects of sixteenth-century French Emeritus Prof. Yves Charles Morin Université de Montréal It is common practice in French dialectal studies to distinguish two dialectal layers in most regions where French is now dominant: (1) a so-called français régional regional French and (2) a sometimes moribund dialect of various languages, either non-romance, such as Breton, Basque, and Flemish, or Romance; the latter including Occitan, Catalan and many varieties of Oïl dialects, often referred to as patois. The second layer is often claimed to act as a substrate of the first one extending the use of this term, normally used in reference to languages no longer spoken in a given region. Various theses have been entertained on the sources of the non-standard features found in regional varieties of French. Chambon (1997, 1999: 12 18) underlines the inappropriate conceptions held in many dialectological studies (e.g. Lerond 1973: 3, Martin 1997, Taverdet 1990: 713) on the influence of the patois substrate on the development of the regional variety of French in a given area. I will present some results of a larger program geared towards the phonological description of the early stages in the

17 Thematic session 17 development of regional varieties of French (cf. Morin 2012) in relationship with the sound patterns of their substrates, as a way to provide an answer to the problems examined by Chambon and understand how regional varieties of French developed specific phonetic and phonological characteristics (that may or may not have survived until now). The source of our information on the earliest regional varieties of French is mostly derived from grammatical treatises and various texts in reformed orthographies written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries whose authors, born and raised in more or less distant Provinces, were convinced they were describing the current standard usage and unknowingly provided precious information on some of their regional features. In this presentation, I will examine more particularly the evidence from two grammarians originating from southern Occitan-speaking provinces, Limousin and Provence. The development of Southern French is somewhat easier to analyze; on one hand, the potential substratic features of the southern varieties of French are more salient than those with Oïl substrates; and on the other, the development of regional French is relatively more recent in most southern Provinces. The analysis implies the reconstruction of the phonological system(s) of the dominant high-class Parisian French the grammarians intended to portray at that time and that of the Limousin and Provence varieties of Occitan at the same period. Some phonetic characteristics of their regional French may be simply construed as the results of first-language phonological filters known to operate in second language acquisition; in other word, these features would reflect the imperfect attempt of Occitan speakers to reproduce the sounds of the target language, eventually becoming part of the regional norm of French. Although it is likely that many Occitan speakers learned or improved their French through direct contact with genuine native speakers of northern French varieties, it cannot have been the case for the large majority of them. For most of them, French, much as Latin, was a written language, whose pronunciation was learned by rules, and eventually passed down from Occitan speakers to Occitan speakers for a relative long period of time.

18 18 6th MGDLT I will show that the distribution of sounds in these varieties of regional French makes sense only it is governed by the reading strategies associated to the spelling-aloud traditions for teaching writing. When in doubt, the reader would render a given letter as it was pronounced in a close cognate of their native vocabulary, e.g. high-mid [e] for <e> in such French words as de of, que that, me me and se himself which Occitan speakers could easily identify to their Occitan counterpart [de] of, [ke] that, [me] me and [se] himself. In the absence of close cognates, however, they resorted to the default reading strategies they learned for reading Latin, which explains why <e> was rendered as low-mid [ɛ] in ce this, je I, le the and ne not, although the pronunciation of <e> in all of these words was uniform in the standard language. An intriguing aspect of the resulting distribution of <e> is the adoption the Occitan reflex [ɐ] or [ɔ] of Latin posttonic A to render French posttonic <e> in nouns and adjectives. In northern Oïl dialects, all of the posttonic vowels that did do syncopate had merged long ago into schwa and were uniformly written <e>, e.g. HŎMĬNĔM > homme and FĒMĬNĂM > femme; they eventually ceased to be pronounced but were retained in the spelling. On the other hand, a distinction was preserved in Occitan between [e] < Lat. Ĕ and [ɐ] /[ɔ] < Lat. Ă. One would have expected the distinction to have been transposed into Southern French, in particular for adjectives such as rouge, for which the distinction was morphologically relevant to mark gender. One may certainly surmise that the non-transfer of this substrastic distinction obtained because the speakers relied on the spelling to render the sounds of French, as I will argue. This should be contrasted with the specific development of posttonic <e> in Limousin French (as spoken in Brives), which was rendered as [ɔ] in singular nouns and adjectives, either masculine or feminine, but [e] in the plural, in direct imitation of the Limousin alternation [-ɔ] < Lat. -Ă ~ [-es] < -ĀS found in Brives, which only held, however, for feminine nouns and adjectives. The graphic distinction between -e and -es in written French was understood as signaling a difference in number for nouns and adjectives, irrespective of gender. (It should also be noted that this development offers prima facies evidence that the

19 Thematic session 19 [-ɔ] ~ [-es] alternation was still alive in Brives at the end of the sixteenth century). It is reasonable to conclude that the regional varieties of French, in particular of southern French, did not emerge simply as a consequence of an imperfect imitation of the sounds they heard by listening to speakers of the prestigious Parisian variety. And it is certainly not simply the product of uneducated peasants and laborers. Southern French probably acquired its phonetic and phonological characteristics early, when a relatively small class of Southerners felt the necessity to communicate in French, though then probably most often in writing: merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, civil servants, teachers, and the like. They had access to the pronunciation mostly through spelling, which accounts fort the patterns they developed. These patterns eventually settled and became models that spread to other social classes. Whatever substratic features seeped into the sound system of regional varieties of French, they did so simply because the rules used to read French aloud were precisely those that were used to read the substrate and tailored for the latter. Eventually the phonological patterns of regional varieties of French may grow independently of their substrates; the distribution of mid vowels in Southern French, for instance, eventually evolved into what is known as the «loi de position», independently of both the Occitan substrate and the standard variety. References Chambon, Jean-Pierre Les emprunts du français moderne aux dialectes et patois: une illusion d'optique en lexicologie française historique. LALIES, Actes des sessions de linguistique et de littérature 17 (Aussois, 2-7 septembre 1996), Paris: Presses de l'école normale supérieure. Chambon, Jean-Pierre Variétés géographiques du français et «substrat dialectal». L'exemple de Vinzelles (Puy-de-Dôme). Études sur les régionalismes du français, en Auvergne et ailleurs, Paris: Klincksieck (Matériaux pour l étude des régionalismes du français 13).

20 20 6th MGDLT Goosse, André La part du substrat dialectal dans le français de Belgique. Variété et variantes du français des villes: états de l est de la France Alsace, Lorraine, Lyonnais, Franche-Comté, Belgique, Paris/Genève: Champion/Slatkine. Lerond, Alain Présentation. Les parlers régionaux. Langue française Martin, Jean-Baptiste Le français régional. La variation diatopique en français de France. Le français moderne Morin, Yves Charles Le Gaygnard (1609): L ancienne orthographe, la nouvelle pédagogie et la réforme orthographique. Orthographe française: Évolution et pratique, éd. par Alain Desrochers, France Martineau et Yves Charles Morin, Ottawa: Éditions David. Morin, Yves Charles Acquiring the vowel system of a cognate language: the role of substrate and spelling in the development of the French spoken in Marseilles during the sixteenth century. Romanística sin complejos Homenaje a Carmen Pensado, éd. par Fernando Sánchez Miret, Bern/Berlin/Bruxelles/Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. Morin, Yves Charles L imaginaire norme de prononciation aux XVI e et XVII e siècles. L introuvable unité du français - Contacts et variations linguistiques en Europe et en Amérique (XII e -XVIII e siècle), ed. by Serge Lusignan, France Martineau, Yves Charles Morin and Paul Cohen, Québec: Presses de l'université Laval. (References can be consulted on Debonding of compounds in French, English, Dutch and German Prof. Kristel Van Goethem F.R.S.-FNRS & Université catholique de Louvain This study will focus on adjectives (and occasionally adverbs) that arise through "debonding" from N+N- or N+A-compounds in French, English, Dutch and German. Debonding is a type of degrammaticalization defined by Norde as "a composite change

21 Thematic session 21 whereby a bound morpheme in a specific linguistic context becomes a free morpheme" (Norde 2009:186). It typically involves processes such as severance (i.e. decrease in bondedness), flexibilization (i.e. increase in syntactic freedom), scope expansion and recategorialization. In previous studies (Amiot & Van Goethem 2012; Van Goethem & De Smet 2012), it has been shown that the lack of (prosodic) cohesion of French and English compounds facilitates debonding in both languages. This holds for instance for compounds or compound-like sequences with French clé 'key' (e.g. poste clé 'key position') (1) and English key (e.g. key area) (2): (1) FR. Ces deux ministres auraient réclamé, selon ces sources, le poste prestigieux et clé de Christine Lagarde (...) '(...) the key and prestigious position of Christine Lagarde (...)' (GlossaNet, 2011) (2) ENG. The U.S. (...) has said it will do more in terms of intelligence-sharing to (...) stop some of the killings, and really restore some -- some law and order in these pockets of lawlessness that -- that tend to be along some very key border areas. (COCA) Dutch and German compounds, by contrast, are very cohesive, not only prosodically but also orthographically, which is strongly in conflict with the debonding process (e.g. DU. *de sleutel en prestigieuze post, GERM. *der Schlüssel und prestigeträchtige Posten). However, it is striking that Dutch compounds with an intensifying left-hand member (with nominal origin) and -e- interfix often do allow debonding: (3) DU. De binnenstad staat immers op een reuze betonnen plaat (...). 'The town centre is indeed built on a gigantic sheet of steel (...)' (news.google.com, 2011) (4) DU. Echt een buitenkansje voor een nieuw appartement op een klasse locatie.' (...) a new flat at a prime location' (GlossaNet, 2011)

22 22 6th MGDLT It can therefore be assumed that the ending of the left-hand member plays a crucial role in the debonding process. Since Dutch attributively used adjectives mostly end in the inflectional affix -e, the linking morpheme -e could trigger the reanalysis of forms such as reuze and klasse as adjectives (Norde & Van Goethem 2013 (ms); Van Goethem & Hiligsmann 2014). In German, the recent (substandard) use of Hammer 'hammer' as an intensifying element represents another case of debonding with possible influence of the role of inflection: ein Hammerkonzert 'a great concert' - das Konzert war hammer 'the concert was fantastic' (Van Goethem & Hüning 2013). In my paper, I will investigate for each of the four languages how the debonding process is impacted by three different factors: (1) the semantics of the noun subject to debonding, which seems to be restricted to compounds or compound-like sequences with a qualifying meaning; (2) the degree of (prosodic) cohesion of the sequence; (3) the role of inflection. The impact of these factors will be illustrated by several corpus-based case studies. References Amiot, D. & Van Goethem, K. (2012). A constructional account of French clé- 'key' and Dutch sleutel- 'key' as in mot-clé / sleutelwoord 'key word'. Morphology Norde, M. (2009). Degrammaticalization. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Norde, M. & K. Van Goethem. (2013). Emancipatie van affixen en affixoïden: degrammaticalisatie of lexicalisatie?. Manuscript. Van Goethem, K. & H. De Smet (to appear). How nouns turn into adjectives. The emergence of new adjectives in French, Dutch and English through debonding processes. Languages in Contrast. Van Goethem, K. & Ph. Hiligsmann. (2014). When two paths converge: debonding and clipping of Dutch reuze lit. giant; great. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 26:

23 Thematic session 23 Van Goethem, K. & M. Hüning. (2013). Debonding of Dutch and German compounds. Paper presented at the Germanic Sandwich Conference, Leuven, Corpora COCA: GlossaNet: News archives on

24 24 6th MGDLT General session of MGDLT6

25 General session 25 B. Invited speakers of the general session The role of prosody in the investigation of linguistic variation Prof. Amalia Arvaniti University of Kent Prosody is a term that encompasses a host of phenomena, including stress, phrasing and intonation that are often collectively referred to as suprasegmentals. I will argue that this term reflects an alphabetical view of speech that treats segments as essential and relegates prosody to the status of an optional icing on the cake. I will discuss results from research on prosody, including my own research on Greek and other languages which point instead to a central role of prosody in shaping variation and show the alphabetical view to be erroneous. Specifically, I will review results from various languages indicating that, contrary to the conception of speech organization (and language structure) implied by the term suprasegmentals, prosody has pervasive effects on speech sounds affecting both their duration and their quality and cannot be ignored in the investigation of any level of linguistic analysis. I will further discuss the role that prosody plays in dialectal variation, both in how such variation is encoded and how it is recognized and interpreted by speakers. Finally, I will discuss the role of prosody in understanding pragmatic intent and thus communication both between L1 speakers and across L1 and L2 speakers of a language. In light of this evidence, I will argue that we need to integrate prosody in our investigations if we want to fully understand and document variation within and across languages. Contact de langues: les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie Prof. Petya Asenova University of Sofia Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie appartiennent aux idiomes grecs septentrionaux, mais ils sont parlés par deux communautés différentes: les descendants de la population des anciennes colonies grecques qui ont apparu au littoral de la Mer Noire à partir du VIIIe s. av. J.-C., et les Karakatchans (Sarakatsans) qui menaient la vie des nomades saisonniers et se sont installés dans certaines localités montagneuses de la Bulgarie, il y a quelque décennies. Les locuteurs des deux communautés pratiquent un bilinguisme bulgarogrec, collectif, du point de vue sociolinguistique (Weinreich 1972) et subordonné ou composé (compound), du point de vue psycholinguistique

26 26 6th MGDLT (Ervin, Osgood 1954). Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie fonctionnent au milieu d une langue étrangère, mais appartiennent aussi à l union linguistique balkanique (ULB) ou Sprachbund. C est pourquoi (parallèlement aux autres dialectes balkaniques dans des conditions de fonctionnement pareil) ils pourraient jouer le rôle d une source de reconstruction des processus de convergence qui ont amené à l apparition de l ULB. En même temps, ils présentent la possibilité d observation directe sur le «bilinguisme en usage»: les différents types de mélange des codes (code-mixing et code-switching). Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie forment une partie de l espace exotérique de la grammaire de l ULB et en même temps ils restent toujours identiques à l histoire ésotérique de sa propre langue le grec (v. Civ jan 2005 Magna lingua graeca). Les dialectes grecs en Bulgarie présentent une continuité aréale avec les autres dialectes grecs septentrionaux et par conséquent possèdent des traits spécifiques de cette zone dialectale (par ex. l expression des rapports du datif à l aide de l accusatif). Ils occupent une aire périphérique du territoire linguistique grec, ils gardent aussi des traits archaïques disparus dans les autres dialectes septentrionaux. Les innovations qu ils ont développées sont dues à l influence de la langue du milieu le bulgare et concernent tous les niveaux de la structure des dialectes en question. Certaines innovations qui représentent des balkanismes principaux (par ex. l emploi plus avancé de constructions analytiques) pourraient être interprétés comme réalisation des ressources internes des dialectes grecs septentrionaux, aussi bien qu une influence externe. Les dialectes en contact avec une langue étrangère démontrent une spécificité qui peut être appelée spécificité d isolation. Elle s avère comme résultat d isolation de la langue-mère. Le mélange de différents courants de fonctionnement, archaïsmes et innovations, héritage et influence, évolution spécifique interne, mènent à une simplification du système des dialectes grecs en état de bilinguisme. C. Oral presentations Αναφορικές δομές στις νεοελληνικές μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους Eirini Kriki Institute of Modern Greek Studies Αντικείμενο της ανακοίνωσης είναι η παρουσίαση και η ανάλυση συγκεκριμένων αναφορικών δομών που απαντούν στις νεοελληνικές

27 General session 27 μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους. Η εξέταση περιορίζεται σε εκείνες τις δομές που, από μορφοσυντακτική άποψη, εμφανίζουν τη στρατηγική του κλιτού αναφορικού, με δεδομένο ότι, παρόλο που η στρατηγική του άκλιτου αναφορικού εμφανίζεται ήδη στη μεταγενέστερη ελληνική και κερδίζει σταδιακά έδαφος (Bakker 1974 Nicholas 1998), ο μηχανισμός των κλιτών αναφορικών δεν εγκαταλείφθηκε ποτέ ούτε στις μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους και μάλιστα ανατροφοδοτήθηκε με τύπους που αποτελούν προϊόντα διαδικασιών επανανάλυσης, επανενίσχυσης, υβριδισμού κτλ. Η ανακοίνωση αποτελεί συνέχεια προηγούμενης έρευνας (Liosis & Kriki 2013) και επιχειρεί να διαφωτίσει τα εξής ερωτήματα: (α) Ποιοι αντωνυμικοί τύποι επιλέγονται στις επιμέρους μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους για την εξυπηρέτηση της στρατηγικής του κλιτού αναφορικού και πώς κατηγοριοποιούνται με βάση το γενικό τυπολογικό σχήμα ανάλυσης των αναφορικών αντωνυμιών των νεοελληνικών διαλέκτων που προτείνει ο Τζιτζιλής (υπό προετ.); (β) πώς κατανέμονται οι επιλεγμένοι αντωνυμικοί τύποι στις επιμέρους θέσεις της Ιεραρχίας Προσβασιμότητας (Keenan & Comrie 1977); (γ) Κατά πόσο εξαρτάται η επιλογή των επιμέρους αντωνυμικών τύπων από τη διάκριση [± έμψυχο] / [± ανθρώπινο], η οποία είναι ενεργή στις μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους και, όπως έχει δείξει ο Τζιτζιλής (2014), έχει αναμορφώσει σε μεγάλο βαθμό την ονοματική κλίση; (δ) ποιες είναι οι συνέπειες της παραπάνω διάκρισης στην έκφραση των χαρακτηριστικών Συμφωνίας των κλιτών αναφορικών στις μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους και πώς ελέγχεται η Ιεραρχία Συμφωνίας (Corbett ) με βάση τα δεδομένα που προκύπτουν; Ενδεικτική βιβλιογραφία Bakker, W Pronomen Abundans et Conjuctum. A Contribution to the History of the Resumptive Pronoun within the Relative Clause in Greek. Άμστερνταμ: Norh Holland. Corbett, G. G The Agreement Hierarchy, Journal of Linguistics 15/2, Corbett, G. G Agreement. Κέμπριτζ: Cambridge University Press. Keenan, E. L. & B. Comrie Noun Phrase Accessibility and Universal Grammar, Linguistic Inquiry 8, Κρίκη, Ε Μορφοσυντακτικοί νεωτερισμοί στη γλώσσα των μη φιλολογικών παπύρων. Οι αναφορικές δομές. Διδ. διατρ. Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης. Liosis, N. & E. Kriki Towards a Typology of Relative Clauses in Modern Greek Dialects, στο M. Janse, B. D. Joseph, A. Ralli & M. Bagriacik (επιμ.), MGDLT 5. Online Proceedings of the 5th

28 28 6th MGDLT International Conference on Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. Πάτρα, Nicholas, N The Story of Pu: The Grammaticalisation in Space and Time of a Modern Greek Complementiser. Διδ. διατρ. University of Melbourne. Τζιτζιλής, Χρ Οι μικρασιατικές διάλεκτοι, στο Χρ. Τζιτζιλής (επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές Διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη). Τζιτζιλής, Χρ. Υπό προετοιμασία. Εισαγωγή στη νεοελληνική διαλεκτολογία. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη). Morphologically enhanced spatial deixis in Pontic: the case of [-]késou Marianna Gkiouleka University of Patras Anchoring the speakers to a specific point in time and space (Lyons 1997), orienting them in the surrounding situation outside of discourse and providing the dialogue with a certain context in order to gain its significance, deixis appears to be a fundamental axis of conversation (Fillmore 1982, Diessel 1999). Despite the differences in the means employed to express the concept of space among the languages, the notion of the prototypical [± proximal] appears to be prevailing. An examination of data drawn from Pontic, a dialect spoken in Asia Minor, reveals a system that differs significantly from the binary one found in S(tandard) M(odern) G(reek) and consists of three fully functional and deictically contrastive levels: (a) reference to an entity near the deictic center (b) reference to an entity near the hearer and (c) location of the referent at some distance to both the deictic and the acoustic center (Papadopoulos 1955). (a) aftos/ aγútos/ avútos aúte/ aγúte auto/aγúto (b) atós até ató (+ constructions with ha, intensifying the meaning) (c) acínos/ aγínos/ aínos acíne/ aγíne/ aíne acíno/ aγíno/ aíno [when the referent is there] ecínos/ eγínos/ eínos ecíne/ eγíne/ eíne ecíno/ eγíno/ eíno [when the referent is absent]

29 General session 29 Furthermore, this dialectal system comprise features indicative of whether the referent is present or out of sight (c), at a lower or a higher elevation, downhill or uphill (e) or moving toward or away from the deictic center (d,e). In order to account for these semantic nuances Pontic enhances morphologically its linguistic material with the use of lexical items such as prefixes and suffixes that lead to a number of new constructions. In this spirit, the paper deals with the examination of [-]késou, a morphological construction that consists of the conjuction ke (= and) - that has undergone phonological attrition, as well as semantic alteration and therefore loss of its transparency - and the adverb ésou (=inside). It appears: (a) either as an autonomous adverb, meaning: i horizontal ground movement ii straight horizontal direction iii horizontal position or iv reference to a preceding name (d) Epíγa s so horáf kés (I went towards the field) (b) or as a suffix in morphologically complex locative adverbs, expressing ground movement or position horizontally (e) aδakés(ou) (here, in a horizontal ground position) atoukés(ou) (towards those places) afkakés(ou) (i.towards those places downhill, ii. with cunning (metaphorically)) The aim of the paper is twofold. First, to identify the unclear structural status of [-]késou and adequately delimit the processes into which this lexical item has participated and second, to incorporate and further examine it in the context of spatial deictic system of Pontic. Indicative bibliography Diessel, H Demonstratives. Form, function and grammaticalization (Typological Studies in Language, 42). Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Fillmore, C.J 'Towards a descriptive framework for spatial deixis' in RJ. Jarvella & W. Klein (eds), Speech place and action London: Wiley & Sons. Lyons, J 'Deixis as the source of reference', in E. Keenan (ed), Formal semantics of natural language, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Lyons, J Semantics 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

30 30 6th MGDLT Papadopoulos, A Istoriki Grammatiki tis Pontikis Dialectou [Historical Grammar of the Pontic Dialect]. Athens: Epitropi Pontiakon Meleton. Is compound borrowing possible in language-contact settings? Angela Ralli University of Patras In this presentation, I propose to deal with the lexical and structural aspects of borrowing compounds, in a language-contact situation involving three Greek-based Asia Minor dialects, Cappadocian (Dawkins 1916, Janse forthcoming), Aivaliot (Sakkaris 1940) and Pontic (Tobaidis 2007). The data show the following properties: (a) the dialects display varying degrees of productivity in forming compounds, depending on the extent of socio-cultural contact with Turkish; (b) several compounds exhibit mixing of Turkish and Greek morphemes, although their formation-patterns are Greek; in some rare cases, both constituents share Turkish, but compounds contain a Greek compound marker (CM) between the basic constituents, and are always followed by Greek inflectional endings (1); (c) most Turkish constituents have undergone phonological and morphological changes according to Greek morpho-phonological requirements; some items have acquired a stem allomorphy for their inflection, as in (1b), where the Aivaliot -δ- formative is inserted between the Turkish item kadife velvet and the Greek ending: (1) a. Pontic dzavtaropsómin < Tr çavdar Gr -o- Gr psomi- Gr -n rye bread rye CM bread NOM.SG b. Aivaliot aγrijukadiféδis < Gr αγri- Gr -u- Tr kadife- Gr -is wild yellow flowers wild CM velvet NOM.PL c. Cappadocian γaun-ú-spor-us < Tr kavun Gr -o- Gr spor- Gr us melon seed melon CM seed NOM.SG (d) Compound structures resist change, even in Cappadocian where compounding is less productive than in Pontic and Aivaliot, i.e. there is use of Greek-based patterns, which are unknown in Turkish (2): (2) a. Pontic seloδavéno < Tr sel Gr -o- Gr δ(ι)avéno flood/inundate flood CM walk through b. Aivaliot vruduluγó < Tr vurdulu Gr -u- Gr -luγο make noise hit with big noise CM be in the position of

31 General session 31 (e) In the rare case where entire Turkish compounds are adopted, their structure is lexicalized; the vowel /I/ of the Turkish CM -(s)i(n) is reanalyzed as part of the loan stem, and a Greek ending is added at the righthand edge: (3) Turkish yüzbaşı Aivaliot júzbasi-s officer of Turkish army officer-nom.sg I argue that in a contact situation involving Greek and Turkish the structure of compounding is the least affected compared to structures of other wordformation processes (e.g. derivation), since Greek compounding is entirely different from Turkish. As asserted in Ralli (2013a,b), Greek compounds are morphological objects, displaying phonological and morphological unity: they combine stems, have one single stress and a compulsory CM relating the two constituents. As such, they are created in morphology. On the contrary, Turkish compounds are phrasal objects: they involve the combination of words, their stress does not differ from that of common noun phrases and their compound marker appears at the end, being identical to the possessive marker -si(n). Thus, they are built in syntax. Assuming that morphological congruence is a prerequisite for the borrowing of morphological structure (Myers-Scotton 2002), Greek compounding resists change. This is not the case for derivation though, which seems to be more affected by Turkish, because in both Greek and Turkish, derivation relies on the morphological process of affixation. Selected References Dawkins, R. (1916). Modern Greek in Asia Minor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Janse, M. (forthcoming). Cappadocian. In Ch. Tzitzilis (ed.) Εllinikes dialekti [Greek dialects]. Thessaloniki: Institute for Modern Greek Studies. Myers-Scotton, C. (2002). Contact linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ralli, A. (2013a). Compounding in Modern Greek. Springer. Ralli, A. (2013b). Compounding and its locus of realization: evidence from Greek and Turkish. Word Structure 6 (2): Sakkaris, G. (1940). I glossa ton Kydonion [The language of Kydonies]. Athens: Academy of Athens. Thomason, S. & T. Kaufman (1988).Language contact, creolization and generic linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press.

32 32 6th MGDLT Tobaidis, D. (2007). I sinthetes leksis stin Pontiaki dialekto [Compound words in Pontic]. Archeion Pontou 52: Metaphorical and metonymical compounds: evidence from Modern Greek dialects Marios Andreou University of Patras In recent years there has been an upsurge of interest in the study of Greek compounds (Ralli, 2010, 2013; Ralli and Andreou, 2012). The main focus of these works is the study of the formal characteristics of compounds (e.g. morphosyntactic properties, classification of compounds based on grammatical relations, and the demarcation of compounds), whereas, the study of the semantics of Greek compounding is still a desideratum. This paper aims to fill a part of this theoretical lacuna by presenting a study of the semantics of Greek compounds, drawing data from a number of Modern Greek dialects. In particular, this paper focuses on the analysis of compounds based on the semantic mechanisms of metaphor and metonymy. For example, antigoksilo in (1) can be used metaphorically to denote a crusty person and a metonymical use of voidokilia in (2) can denote a person with a big belly : (1) Metaphorical compounds antigoksilo < antig(o) ksil(o) Cephalonia a crusty person old wood arkudogattos < arkud(a) gatt(os) Peloponnese a boorish person bear cat (2) Metonymical compounds gaidurokormo < gaidur(i) korm(i) Milos a boorish person donkey body voidokilia < void(o) kili(a) Naxos who has a big belly ox belly It should be noticed that some metaphorical and metonymical compounds may also have a literal meaning, whereas, others can only be used in a figurative manner. In addition, it seems that metonymical compounds are always formed by body parts as second constituents, and, as a result, in

33 General session 33 these compounds we find a part-for-whole relationship, whereas, no such constraint holds true for metaphorical compounds. The analysis of such formations is of paramount importance since a number of scholars identify metonymical and metaphorical compounds with exocentric ones (Søgaard, 2004; Bauer, 2008, 2010). This is based on the fact that these formations clearly fail the hyponymy test. The metonymical use of voidikilia, for example, renders the compound exocentric since it does not denote a kind of kilia belly but a kind of person instead. In a similar vein, the metaphoric use of arkudogattos shows that the compound as a whole is not a gattos cat but a kind of person. This raises the question of whether the metonymical or metaphorical use of these compounds should render them exocentric and, thus, headless. Following Andreou (2014), in this presentation, I argue that we should not collapse these categories, in that, nominal metonymical and metaphorical compounds should not be considered exocentric, but endocentric instead. In particular, failure of the hyponymy test to identify the hyperonym should not render these compounds headless since no relation between metaphor/metonymy and head can be established. Selected references Andreou, M. (2014). Headedness in word formation and lexical semantics: evidence from Italiot and Cypriot. Ph.D. Thesis. University of Patras. Bauer, L. (2008). Exocentric compounds. Morphology 18, Bauer, L. (2010). The typology of exocentric compounding. In S. Scalise and I. Vogel (Eds.), Cross-disciplinary Issues in Compounding, pp Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Ralli, A. (2010). Compounding versus derivation. In S. Scalise and I. Vogel (Eds.), Cross-disciplinary issues in compounding, pp Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Ralli, A. (2013). Compounding in Modern Greek. Dordrecht: Springer. Ralli, A. and M. Andreou (2012). Revisiting exocentricity in compounding: evidence from Greek and Cypriot. In F. Kiefer, M. Ladányi, and P. Siptár (Eds.), Current issues in morphological theory: (ir)regularity, analogy and frequency, pp Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Søgaard, A. (2004). Compounding theories and linguistic diversity. In Z. Frajzyngier, D. Rood, and A. Hodges (Eds.), Linguistic diversity and linguistic theories, pp Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

34 34 6th MGDLT Auxiliary selection in Greko of Bova: a Greek-Romance comparison Norma Schifano 1, Giuseppina Silvestri 2 & Maria Olimpia Squillaci 3 University of Cambridge 1,3, University of Trieste & University of Cambridge 2 Aims of the paper. First of all, we aim at presenting fresh evidence of patterns of auxiliary selection and (lack of) participle agreement in the pluperfect, both in the Italo-Greek dialect (Greko) and in the Calabrese dialect of Bova (Reggio Calabria), recently collected with native speakers. Secondly, we intend to investigate how such patterns emerged in the history of these varieties and how they fit into the wider picture of auxiliary selection and participle agreement attested across the Italian Peninsula (cf. Manzini & Savoia 2005 for an overview; Loporcaro 2007, 2011, forthc.) and among Greek varieties. The data. As already noted in passim in the literature (Rohlfs 1977; Falcone 1973; Katsoyannou 1995; Remberger 2011), the pluperfect in Greko exhibits a peculiar analytic form consisting of the imperfect of BE and the active aorist participle, unlike standard modern Greek (Ralli 2006) and Griko (Salento, Rohlfs ib., Baldissera 2013). Notably, the auxiliary BE is selected regardless of verb class, i.e. including with transitives (1a) and unergatives (1b): (1) A o Peppi ito katharizzonda to spiti (Greko) the P. be.imp.3sg clean.aor.ppt the house b egó ce o Peppi ímmasta travudonda I and the P. be.imp.1pl sing.aor.ppt Likewise, our novel data show that a similar pattern is attested in the Calabrese of Bova, which forms the pluperfect with the auxiliary BE with all verb classes, followed by the past participle (cf. also Falcone 1973; Katsoyannou 1995, 1997 for the same remark about dialects of Bovesía), unlike other Calabrian dialects (Trumper & Lombardi 1998): (2) ddu figghiolu nc era chiamatu a Peppi (Calabrese, Bova) that boy him.dat.be.imp.3sg called.past.ppt to Peppi As for the agreement on the lexical verb, a previously unnoticed property of the Calabrian of Bova is that, in spite of the selection of BE, the past participle never exhibits agreement. The following data illustrate lack of

35 General session 35 agreement with the cliticized object of a transitive (3a) and reflexive (3b) verb, as well as with the subject of an unaccusative (3c) and reflexive (3d) verb, which trigger instead agreement in the other Calabrian dialects, as well as in standard Italian (cf. elements in bold): (3) A ll era mangiatu (dda pasta) it.acc.fem.sg be.imp.3sg eaten.mas.sg the pasta (Calabrese, Bova) B Maria si ll era lavatu (i mani) Maria.FEM REFLthem.FEM.PLUR.BE.IMP.3sg washed.mas.sg the hands C Maria era partutu Maria.FEM be.imp.3sg left.mas.sg D Maria s era lavatu Maria.FEM REFL.BE.IMP.3sg washed.mas.sg Research questions. The data presented above include two necessarily related phenomena that we intend to discuss, i.e. (i) generalised selection of BE in the pluperfect both in Greko and in the Calabrese of Bova; (ii) lack of participle agreement in the latter. Regarding the first point, a preliminary survey of the second half of the 19 th century texts in Greko reveals the presence of a few present perfect forms (now extinct) selecting HAVE. If this evidence is strengthened by further research, the auxiliary selection exhibited by these two dialects resembles the pattern attested elsewhere in Romance, cf. for example Procidano (Ledgeway 2009), where the HAVE- BE transitive-unaccusative split in the perfect is overridden in the pluperfect that generalises BE. The chronology and triggering factors of the loss of the present perfect, as well as the emergence of an alleged tense-driven split of this type in a Greek-Romance contact area, will be investigated. As for the lack of agreement on the Calabrese past participle, this will be interpreted in the light of D Alessandro & Roberts s (2008) proposal, which argues that the presence/lack of overt past participle agreement is determined by the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001) and is related to the surface position of the past participle. Bibliography

36 36 6th MGDLT Baldissera, V., Il dialetto grico del Salento: elementi balcanici e contatto linguistico. Tesi di Dottorato: Università Ca Foscari; Chomsky, N. (1999). Derivation by phase. MIT occasional papers in linguistics 18, Cambridge, MA. (Reprinted in M. Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken Hale: A Life in Language. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1-52) D Alessandro, R., Roberts, I., 'Movement and agreement in Italian past participles and defective phases'. Linguistic Inquiry 39, Falcone, G., Il dialetto romaico della Bovesia. Milan: Memorie dell Istituto Lombardi di Scienze e Lettere; Fanciullo, F., Fra Oriente e Occidente. Per una storia linguistica dell Italia Meridionale. Pisa, ETS; Katsoyannou, M Le parler gréco de Gallicianò: Description d une langue en voie de disparition. Doctoral thesis, Université Paris VII; Katsoyannou, M Interventi simbiotici tra greco e romanzo nell'area linguistica calabrese. In E. Banfi (ed) Atti del secondo incontro internazionale di lingua greca, Trento: Università degli Studi; Ledgeway, A., Grammatica diacronica del dialetto napoletano. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer Verlag; Ledgeway, A., Greek Disguised as Romance? The Case of Southern Italy. In M. Janse, B. D. Joseph, A. Ralli and M. Bagriacik (eds), Proceedings of the 5 th International Conference on Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. University of Patras, ; Ledgeway, A., forthc. a. Greek Disguised as Romance? Interpreting Language Convergence and Divergence in Terms of Parameter Hierarchies. In M. Janse, B. Joseph and A. Ralli (eds), Current Issues in Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing; Ledgeway, A., forthc. b. Parameter Hierarchies and Greek-Romance Complementation in southern Italy. In G. Giusti (ed.), Working on Balkan Romance Contact; Loporcaro, M., On triple auxiliation in Romance. Linguistics XLV, ; Loporcaro, M., Two euroversals in a global perspective: auxiliation and alignment. In P. Siemund (ed), Linguistic Universals and Language Variation. Berlin: De Gruyter, 55-91; Loporcaro, M., fortc. Auxiliary selection and participial agreement. In A. Ledgeway and M. Maiden (eds), The Oxford Guide to the Romance Languages. Oxford: OUP; Manzini, M.R., Savoia, L., I dialetti italiani e romanci: morfosintassi generativa. Alessandria: Edizioni dell Orso;

37 General session 37 Ralli, A., Syntactic and Morpho-syntactic Phenomena in Modern Greek Dialects. Journal of Greek Linguistics, ; Remberger, E. M., Morfosintassi verbale dei dialetti neogreci in Calabria. In W. Breu (ed), L'influsso dell'italiano sul sistema del verbo delle lingue minoritarie, Bochum, Brockmeyer, 29, 17-39; Rohlfs, G., Grammatica storica dei dialetti Italo-Greci. München: Beck; Trumper, J., Lombardi, A., Il ruolo della morfologia verbale nella determinazione di eteroglosse calabresi significative. In G. Ruffino (ed.) Atti del XXI Congresso Internazionale di Linguistica e Filologia Romanza. Tübingen: Niemeyer, Πολυσυλλεκτικότητα ή εντοπιότητα; Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης Nikolaos Liosis Institute of Modern Greek Studies Με τον όρο ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης περιγράφονται τα ελληνικά που μιλιούνταν στην ίδια την πόλη αλλά και στην ευρύτερη κεντρική ζώνη των δυτικών παραλίων της Μικράς Ασίας μαζί με τη χερσόνησο της Ερυθραίας (Λιόσης, 2014). Με βάση ιστορικές μαρτυρίες (Τριανταφυλλίδης 1993 Τομπαΐδης 1996, , μεταξύ άλλων) το ελληνικό στοιχείο της περιοχής, που συνυπήρχε με πολυάριθμους Τούρκους και λίγους ξένους, ενισχύθηκε κατά τον 18ο και τον 19ο αιώνα από νησιώτες αλλά και από κατοίκους της ηπειρωτικής Ελλάδας. Εξετάζεται επομένως η συμβολή των επιδράσεων από άλλες διαλέκτους της ελληνικής και από άλλες γλώσσες στη διαμόρφωση της διαλεκτικής ταυτότητας της περιοχής. Η υπόθεση εργασίας είναι ότι παρά τις υπαρκτές επιδράσεις τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής εντάσσονται οργανικά σε ένα διαλεκτικό συνεχές που ξεκινά από τη Θράκη και τα ιδιώματα της Βιθυνίας και καταλήγει στις νοτιοανατολικές νησιωτικές διαλέκτους. Μοιράζονται δέσμες χαρακτηριστικών που επιτρέπουν τη θεώρησή τους όχι μόνο ως μη μεταφερμένης, αυτόνομης διαλεκτικής ενότητας αλλά και ως μεταβατικής ζώνης ανάμεσα στα θρακοβιθυνιακά και τα νοτιοανατολικά ιδιώματα. Η παραπάνω θεώρηση στηρίζει τη διάκριση ανάμεσα στις διαλέκτους της μικρασιατικής ενδοχώρας (ποντιακή, καππαδοκική, φαρασιώτικα, σιλλιώτικα), που μαζί με τα κριμαιοαζοφικά αποτελούν ενιαία διαλεκτική ομάδα, και σε άλλα ιδιώματα της Μικράς Ασίας (βιθυνιακά, ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης, λιβισιώτικα) που δεν διαθέτουν τα γλωσσικά χαρακτηριστικά των πρώτων (Τζιτζιλής 2014).

38 38 6th MGDLT Ειδική αναφορά γίνεται στο ιδίωμα της πόλης της Σμύρνης, που υπήρξε ανέκαθεν ένα μεγάλο αστικό κέντρο με τη δυνατότητα να προσελκύει πληθυσμούς από διάφορες περιοχές του ελληνόφωνου κόσμου αλλά και εκτός αυτού. Επομένως ειδικά το σμυρναϊκό ιδίωμα, στο οποίο συνυπάρχουν ετερόκλητα στοιχεία που αποδεικνύουν τον πολυσυλλεκτικό χαρακτήρα του, προσφέρεται για τη μελέτη φαινομένων διαλεκτικής διαπραγμάτευσης και ανάμειξης (negotiation / mixture) που οδηγούν: α) στην ελεύθερη εναλλαγή των γλωσσικών μεταβλητών, β) στην αναδιανομή τους στο σύστημα για τη διαφοροποιητική σήμανση κατηγοριών, και γ) στην κατάργηση κάποιων από αυτές που δεν είναι κοινές στις συνυπάρχουσες υποστρωματικές ποικιλίες (dialect leveling). Σε ό,τι αφορά την επίδραση στo σμυρναϊκό ιδίωμα άλλων γλωσσών (κυρίως της ιταλικής και της τουρκικής) η παρουσία στοιχείων χαμηλής δανεισιμότητας, όπως ρημάτων, άκλιτων, γραμματικών δεικτών κλπ. (πρβ. Matras 2007), αποδεικνύει ότι το ιδίωμα συνυπήρξε με τις γλώσσες αυτές σε καθεστώς σχετικά έντονης επαφής. Ενδεικτική βιβλιογραφία Hinskens, F Dialect Levelling: A Two-dimensional Process. Folia Linguistica 32 (1-2), Κωνσταντινίδου, Μ Μικρασιατικά ιδιώματα περιοχής Βιθυνίας και Ιωνίας (αποτελέσματα μιας γλωσσικής αποστολής), Λεξικογραφικό Δελτίο 25, Λιόσης, Ν. (2014). Τα ιδιώματα της περιοχής της Σμύρνης, στο Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών. Matras, Y The borrowability of structural categories, in Matras, Y. & J. Sakel (eds.) Grammatical Borrowing in Cross-linguistic Perspective. Berlin, Μηλιώρης, Ν. Ε Στοιχεία του γλωσσικού ιδιώματος των Βουρλών της Μικράς Ασίας, Μικρασιατικά Χρονικά 15, Παπαδόπουλος, Α. Α Ο υπόδουλος ελληνισμός της ασιατικής Ελλάδος εθνικώς και γλωσσικώς εξεταζόμενος. Αθήνα, Σύλλογος προς Διάδοσιν Ωφελίμων Βιβλίων. Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (2014). Οι μικρασιατικές διάλεκτοι, στο Τζιτζιλής, Χ. (επιμ.) Νεοελληνικές διάλεκτοι. Θεσσαλονίκη: Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών. Τομπαΐδης, Δ. Ε Μελετήματα Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου. Θεσσαλονίκη, Κώδικας.

39 General session 39 Τριανταφυλλίδης, Μ [1938]. Νεοελληνική Γραμματική. Ιστορική Εισαγωγή. Ανατύπωση με διορθώσεις. Θεσσαλονίκη, Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών (Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη). Trudgill, P Dialects in Contact. Oxford, Blackwell. Συντελικές περιφραστικές δομές: δεδομένα από μικρασιατικές διαλέκτους Symeon Tsolakidis Laboratory of Modern Greek Dialects, University of Patras Η ανακοίνωση αυτή αποτελεί μια συμβολή στην τυπολογία των συντελικών περιφραστικών δομών (ΣΠΔ) με έμφαση στις μικρασιατικές νεοελληνικές (NE) διαλέκτους των Καππαδοκικών και των Ποντιακών. Η εξέταση των ΣΠΔ στις δύο διαλέκτους εντάσσεται στη γενικότερη θεωρητική συζήτηση του κατά πόσο δομές που σε πιο παραδοσιακές γραμματικές περιγραφές αναφέρονται ως υπερσυντέλικος, είναι όντως ΣΠΔ (βλ. ενδεικτικά Μόζερ 2009), και συσχετίζεται με τις απόψεις και τα δεδομένα που διαθέτουμε τόσο σε επίπεδο διαχρονίας της ελληνικής όσο και επίπεδο διαλεκτολογίας για την προέλευση και εξέλιξη των νεοελληνικών ΣΠΔ (Μπαζούκης 2003, Markopoulos 2009, Ράλλη κ.ά. 2007, Τσολακίδης 2011). Οι δύο διάλεκτοι διαφέρουν ως προς το ότι στα Καππαδοκικά δεν απαντούν οι NE ΣΠΔ Α και Β, π.χ. (1) exo γrapsi I have written have.1s.pres write.inf.pass (2) exo γra meno to γrama have.1s.pres write.ppl.perf.n.acc.s the letter.n.acc.s I have written the letter (3) ime γra menos I am written be.1s.pres write.ppl.perf ενώ στα Ποντιακά έχουμε ΣΠΔ Β, π.χ.: (4) 'exo γra'menon to 'γraman have.1s.pres write.ppl.n.acc.s the letter.n.acc.s I have written the letter (5) 'ime nega smenos I have gotten tired be.1s.pres get tired.ppl.perf

40 40 6th MGDLT Kοινό χαρακτηριστικό των δύο διαλέκτων είναι η παρουσία μιας δομής που έχει τη μορφή [αόριστος + (άκλιτο) γ' ενικό παρατατικού του ΕΙΜΑΙ] η εμφάνιση της οποίας οφείλεται σε επίδραση της Τουρκικής (Dawkins 1916, Οικονομίδης 1958). Η εξέλιξη/λειτουργία της συγκεκριμένης δομής δε φαίνεται να είναι εντελώς η ίδια και στις δύο διαλέκτους. Στην περίπτωση των Καππαδοκικών είναι γενικά αποδεκτό ότι χρησιμοποιείται τόσο με λειτουργία υπερσυντέλικου, π.χ. (6) vasi leγas joro asin tani skotosin du king grow old.3pl.past be.3s.past kill.3s.past him ci jenin ma fto t vasi leγas and become.3s.past himself king the king had grown old. He killed him and became king himself όσο και (μέσω του συνδυασμού του άκλιτου β συστατικού με υποτακτική και όχι με οριστική αορίστου) με τροπική λειτουργία (Dawkins 1916), π.χ. (7) ku nda m na itose, to ar ni na to pçasum ton by me to be.2s.past the lamb to it catch.1pl.sbjv be.3s.past had you been by me, we would have caught the lamb Στα δε Ποντιακά η συγκεκριμένη δομή λειτουργεί ως υπερσυντέλικος, με την έννοια ότι δηλώνει κάτι που συνέβη στο παρελθόν πριν από κάποια άλλη παρελθοντική πράξη και οι συνέπειές του εξακολουθούν ακόμα να ισχύουν τη στιγμή της δεύτερης πράξης (πρβ. Dahl & Velupillai 2013). Με άλλα λόγια χρησιμοποιείται για να δηλώσει το συντελεσμένο προτερόχρονο στο παρελθόν, π.χ. (8) tin Panae tinan e jenesa eton the panaetina give birth.1s.past be.3s.past a totes erθen i ro sia sa meræ mun then come.3s.past the Russia in places ours soon after having given birth to Panajotina, the Russian army came to our lands αλλά (σε αντίθεση με τα Καππαδοκικά) με τον περιορισμό ότι το προτερόχρονο παρελθοντικό συμβάν βρίσκεται σε πολύ κοντινή χρονική απόσταση ή είναι σχεδόν ή εν μέρει ταυτόχρονο με το υστερόχρονο

41 General session 41 παρελθοντικό συμβάν με το οποίο συσχετίζεται. Επιπλέον, στα Ποντιακά η συγκεκριμένη δομή συνδυαζόμενη και με παρατατικό, π.χ. etroen eton onton e sevan a pes ta pe δia eat.3s.ipfv.past be.3s.past when enter.3s.past inside the children It was during his meal that the boys came in εντάχθηκε καλύτερα στο ρηματικό σύστημα της διαλέκτου, στο οποίο βασικό ρόλο παίζει η διάκριση [+/-συνοπτικό] (Drettas, 1997). Ανασταλτικά προς τον αναλογικό σχηματισμό ενός αντίστοιχου παρακειμένου με τη μορφή [αόριστος + (άκλιτο) γ' ενικό ενεστώτα του ΕΙΜΑΙ] μπορεί να λειτούργησε το γεγονός ότι, όπως αναφέρθηκε και παραπάνω, τα ποντιακά διέθεταν ΣΠΔ Β. Το γιατί, βέβαια, παρά την ύπαρξη αυτών των ΣΠΔ, εμφανίστηκε ο υπερσυντέλικος με το eton, οφείλεται κατά κύριο λόγο στην ισχυρή επίδραση της Τουρκικής. Σε κάθε περίπτωση θεωρούμε ότι το eton στα Ποντιακά εξελίχθηκε σε έναν δείκτη του προτερόχρονου που θα μπορούσε να είναι είτε συντελεσμένο είτε όχι. Συνολικά, από την αντιπαραβολική μελέτη των Καππαδοκικών και των Ποντιακών, βλέπουμε ότι οι δύο διάλεκτοι, αν και δανείστηκαν την ίδια δομή από την Τουρκική, δεν την ενέταξαν προσάρμοσαν στο σύστημά τους με τον ίδιο ακριβώς τρόπο. Σε κάθε περίπτωση όμως ο δανεισμός της συγκεκριμένης δομής οδήγησε στην εμφάνιση ΣΠΔ σε δύο νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους που (με εξαίρεση τις ποντιακές ΣΠΔ Β ) δε φαίνεται να ανήκουν σε εκείνες τις νεοελληνικές διαλεκτικές ποικιλίες στις οποίες παρατηρήθηκε η τάση για εμφάνιση ΣΠΔ μετά την απώλεια των συνθετικών ΣΠΔ της Ελληνικής κατά την ελληνιστική περίοδο. Βιβλιογραφία Dahl Ö & V. Velupillai The Perfect. Στο Dryer M. & M. Haspelmath (επιμ.), The world atlas of language structures online. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology ( Dawkins R Modern Greek in Asia Minor. Cambridge: CUP. Drettas G Aspects pontiques. Paris: ARP. Markopoulos T The Future in Greek. Oxford: OUP. Μόζερ Α Άποψη και χρόνος στην ιστορία στην ιστορία της ελληνικής. Αθήνα: Παρουσία. Μπαζούκης Θ Για την πορεία της γραμματικοιποίησης της περίφρασης του νεοελληνικού Παρακειμένυο Α'. Μεταπτ. διατρ. ΑΠΘ.

42 42 6th MGDLT Οικονομίδης Δ Γραμματική της ελληνικής διαλέκτου του Πόντου. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών. Ράλλη Α., Μελισσαροπούλου Δ. & Σ. Τσολακίδης «Ο παρακείμενος στη νέα ελληνική και στις διαλέκτους». ΜΕΓ 27, Τσολακίδης Σ «Γραμματικοποιημένες δομές δυνητικής τροπικότητας στις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους Στο M. Janse, B. Joseph, P. Pavlou, A. Ralli, and S. Armosti (επιμ.), Μελέτες για τις νεοελληνικές διαλέκτους και τη γλωσσολογική θεωρία. Λευκωσία: Κέντρο Μελετών Ιεράς Μονής Κύκκου, Modal markers in Pontic and Cappadocian: disentangling the evidences Theodore Markopoulos University of Patras The morphosyntactic and semantic / pragmatic properties of the Modern Greek future-referring (and modal) construction based on the particle θα have attracted a lot of interest, with relation not only to the Standard Modern Greek situation (cf. e.g. Tsangalidis, 1999), but to the diachronic developments associated with this form as well (cf. mainly Joseph & Pappas, 2002, Markopoulos, 2008). The equivalent constructions in the Modern Greek dialects have not been extensively investigated, though, as the only basic survey of the various extant forms accompanied by some idiosyncratic properties is found in Markopoulos (2006). But even this initial examination had explicitly excluded two important (albeit divergent from most other) groups of Modern Greek dialects, namely Pontic and Cappadocian. The main aim of this paper is to remedy this fact and address the issue of the future-referring construction in those varieties. Pontic constitutes one of the most thoroughly examined dialects, partly because of its divergent linguistic character and partly because of the large number of Pontic speakers inhabiting Greece. Nevertheless, a number of issues related to this dialect remain unexplored, prominent among them being the expression of futurity and the overall properties of the θα construction. It is noteworthy that Papadopoulos (1955) only mentions that the future in Pontic is realized with the θα construction, while Oikonomidis (1958) argues that, instead of θα, ha and να are also used in some areas, without stating which areas these might be. On the other hand, in a recent description of the variety of Ofis (Revythiadou, Spyropoulos & Kakarikos, 2011), it is argued that θα is completely absent from this area, the future reference being expressed through the utilization of the marker να. A similar situation apparently obtains in Cappadocian (Dawkins, 1916), with some minor exceptions in varieties (e.g. Silli) where the form σε (equivalent to θε)

43 General session 43 is attested. It is obvious that the relevant literature leaves a lot to desire. Therefore, this article specifically aims to: a) Establish the areal and sociolinguistic distribution of the θα constructions in the Pontic and Cappadocian dialects, b) Explore the inter-relationship between the θα and the να constructions wherever these appear to overlap, and c) Draw some initial conclusions on the overall history of these constructions based on the Pontic and Cappadocian evidence, given the fact that these dialects (and especially the latter) developed basically independently from all other Modern Greek dialects from the Late Medieval period onwards. The thorough investigation into the properties of these constructions will be based on the extensive corpus of written (linguistic and metalinguistic) sources from both Pontic and Cappadocian (totalling approximately two million words), created under the auspices of the THALES AmiGre project that aspires to offer a comprehensive examination of the Asia Minor Greek dialects. References Dawkins, R. M. (1916) Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A study of the dialects of Silli, Cappadocia and Pharasa, with grammar, texts, translations and glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Joseph, B. & P. Pappas (2002) On some recent views concerning the development of the Greek future system. Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 26: Markopoulos, T. (2006) The development of future / modality markers: evidence from Modern Greek dialects. Στο: M. Janse, B. Joseph & A. Ralli (eds.), Proceedings of the 2 nd International Conference of Modern Greek dialects and Linguistic Theory, University of Patras: Markopoulos, T. (2008) The Future in Greek: From Ancient to Medieval. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Oikonomidis, D. (1958) Γραμματική της Ελληνικής διαλέκτου του Πόντου. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών. Papadopoulos, A. (1955) Ιστορική Γραμματική της Ποντικής διαλέκτου. Αθήνα: Επιτροπή Ποντιακών Μελετών.

44 44 6th MGDLT Revythiadou, A., Spyropoulos V. & K. Kakarikos (2011) Η ταυτότητα της οφίτικης ποντιακής: μια γλωσσολογική μελέτη των πηγών και των ομιλητών της. Δελτίο Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών 17: Tsangalidis, A. (1999) Will and tha: a comparative study of the category future. Thessaloniki: University Studio Press. To ρηματικό επίθημα -σκ- στην Καππαδοκική Nikolaos Pantelidis (University of Athens) Σε πολλά καππαδοκικά ιδιώματα, συμπεριλαμβανομένων των ιδιωμάτων των Φαράσων και της Σίλλης, ο μη συνοπτικός παρωχημένος (παρατατικός) των οξύτονων ρημάτων (κλιτική τάξη 1) σχηματίζεται με το επίθημα -(ι)σκ-, π.χ. φέρισκα, λέισκα, έχισκα, γράφισκα κ.λπ. δημιουργώντας αλλομορφία με βάση την κατηγορία του χρόνου εντός της μη συνοπτικής ρηματικής όψης των ρημάτων της κλιτικής τάξης 1, σε αντίθεση με ότι συμβαίνει στην Κοινή Νεοελληνική και στις περισσότερες ποικιλίες της. Το επίθημα ανάγεται στο αρχαίο ελληνικό -(ί)σκ- (π.χ. γιγνώ-σκ-ω, εὑρ-ίσκ-ω κ.λπ.), το οποίο με τη σειρά του συνεχίζει ινδοευρωπαϊκό επίθημα (*-sk-) με πιθανόν παραγωγική λειτουργία (βλ. μεταξύ άλλων Meier-Brügger 2010: , LIV σ.10-11). Σε ορισμένα από τα ιδιώματα αυτά η χρήση του επιθήματος έχει επεκταθεί και σε οξύτονα ρήματα (κλιτική τάξη 2), προσαρτώμενο στην προϋπάρχουσα δομή, η οποία εμφανίζει θεματική αλλομορφία με τον ενεστώτα, π.χ. πορπαd-ώ : πορπάdιν-α και πορπάdιν-ισκ-α (Φερτάκαινα). Ιδιαίτερο ενδιαφέρον παρουσιάζει επίσης η συσσώρευση κλιτικών επιθημάτων σε περιπτώσεις όπως του στοιχείου ινόντζισκα στο ιδίωμα της Σίλλης. Το στοιχείο αυτό μάλιστα χρησιμοποιείται τόσο στην ενεργητική όσο και στη μεσοπαθητική φωνή (Dawkins 1916, σ.53-56). Το στοιχείο -(ι)σκ- σχηματίζει τον μη συνοπτικό παρωχημένο βαρύτονων ρημάτων (κλιτική τάξη 1) και σε ορισμένα βόρεια ιδιώματα (Παπαδόπουλος 1927:89), ενώ στην Κυπριακή το επίθημα -ισκ- σχηματίζει μη συνοπτικό θέμα (Μενάρδος 1969: , Συμεωνίδης ). Κοινός σε όλες τις παραπάνω διαλέκτους είναι ο χαρακτήρας του - (ι)σκ- ως κλιτικού και όχι παραγωγικού επιθήματος. Στην παρούσα ανακοίνωση εξετάζονται και διερευνώνται: α) Το ακριβές status του επιθήματος στην Αρχαία Ελληνική. β) Οι διαφορές στη συμπεριφορά του επιθήματος μεταξύ των διαφόρων καππαδοκικών ιδιωμάτων. γ) Η διαδικασία μετατροπής του επιθήματος σε αμιγώς κλιτικό και γενικότερα η επέκταση της χρήσης του στην πορεία προς τη Ν.

45 General session 45 δ) Οι παράγοντες που ευνόησαν την παρουσία του σε δομές που εμφανίζουν συσσώρευση επιθημάτων και οι πιθανές επιδράσεις της Τουρκικής. Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis: Towards a new Typology of Loanwords Brian D. Joseph Ohio-State University Ronzevalle 1911 documents a variety of northern Greek spoken during the Ottoman era in Adrianoupolis, present-day Edirne, that shows a considerable amount of influence from Turkish. In this presentation, I first offer a descriptive account of the pervasive lexical evidence of Turkish influence and demonstrate that it is to a far greater degree than lexical borrowing typically shows. Then, working from that evidence, I develop a typology of loanwords that goes beyond what has been observed to date and takes in the Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek evidence. I show further how this new typology helps to account for the both the lexical and structural convergence found in the Balkan Sprachbund more generally. Contact effects in Ottoman-era Greek of Adrianoupolis: word formation, loanword formation and hybrid word-formation Mark Janse Ghent University Ronzevalle 1911 documents a variety of northern Greek spoken during the Ottoman era in Adrianoupolis, present-day Edirne, that shows a considerable amount of influence from Turkish. In this presentation, I discuss various aspects of loanword-formation in Ottoman-era Adrianoupolis Greek using different integrators (in the sense of Ralli 2012) to distinguish regular from hybrid loanword-formation. I focus on verbs in - dízu vs those in -év(γ)ο, the integrator -dízu being used to derive verbs from Turkish verbs, the integrator -év(γ)o to derive verbs from Turkish nouns which have no verbal counterpart. Cappadocia: where Greek prepositions come to die Petros Karatsareas 1 & Athanasios Georgakopoulos 2 University of the West of England & Open University of Cyprus 1, Freie Universität Berlin 2 The Cappadocian variety of Ulaghátsh is unique among the Greek-speaking world in having lost the inherited preposition ΕΙΣ. The innovation is found

46 46 6th MGDLT with both locative and allative uses and has affected both syntactic contexts in which ΕΙΣ was originally found, that is, as a simple preposition (1) and as the left-occurring member of circumpositions of the type ΕΙΣ + NP + SPATIAL ADVERB (2). (1) a. τράνσε κι το μεϊdάν εν άβια (Dawkins 1916: 348) b. τα ερυο ντα qαρντάσα έβγαν το qονάq (Dawkins 1916: 354) (2) έμη τα qονάκια μέσα, κιρύσ dε το γιασd q πίσω (Dawkins 1916: 348) In this paper, we set out to provide (a) a diachronic account of the loss of ΕΙΣ in Asia Minor Greek, and (b) a synchronic analysis of its ramifications for the encoding of the semantic and grammatical functions it had prior to its loss. The diachronic development of ΕΙΣ is traced by comparing the Ulaghátsh data with those obtained from Cappadocian varieties that have neither lost it nor do they show signs of losing it and, crucially, also from varieties in which EIS is in the process of being lost. The comparative analysis shows that the loss first became manifest in circumpositions in which EIS was preposed to the complement to which in turn a wide range of adverbs expressing topological relations were postposed (έμη σα qονάκια μέσα > έμη τα qονάκια μέσα). This finding is accounted for in terms of Sinha and Kuteva s (1995) distributed spatial semantics framework, which accepts that the elements involved in the constructions under investigation the verb (έμη), ΕΙΣ and the spatial adverb (μέσα) all contribute to the expression of the spatial relational meaning but with differences in weighting. Of the three, ΕΙΣ made the most minimal contribution, the bulk of it being distributed over the verb and the adverb. This allowed for it to be optionally dropped from circumpositions, a stage attested in Phloïtá Cappadocian and Silliot, and to be later completely abandoned, originally in allative and subsequently in locative contexts (earlier: έβγαν σο qονάq > έβγαν το qονάq; later σο μεϊdάν εν άβια > το μεϊdάν εν άβια). The earlier loss in allative contexts is also dealt with in distributed semantics terms as verbs of motion such as έβγαν are semantically more loaded than vacuous verbs like the copula εν and therefore the preposition could be left out in the former context more easily than in the latter. The analysis also addresses the possibility that the loss of ΕΙΣ may ultimately originate in substandard forms of Medieval Greek, which according to Tachibana (1994) displayed SPATIAL ADVERB + NP constructions. Consider, for example, κατέβημεν χαρζανιστοὶ ἀνάμεσα τὸν κάμπον (Διγ. Ε, 509).

47 General session 47 Applying the semantic map model (Croft 2003, Haspelmath 2003), the synchronic analysis of the varieties that retain ΕΙΣ reveals that like many other allative markers crosslinguistically it displays a pattern of multifunctionality in expressing nine different functions (among others allative, locative, recipient, addressee, experiencer), which can be mapped against four domains, viz. the spatiotemporal, the social, the mental and the logico-textual (cf. Rice & Kabata 2007). In Ulaghátsh Cappadocian, none of these functions is overtly marked as such. In cases like (1), the intended spatial relational meaning is arrived at through the combination of the syntax and the inherent semantics of the verb and the zero-marked NP as well as from the context. In environments of the type exemplified by (2), the adverb contributes further to the correct interpretation. The analysis additionally shows that, despite the loss of ΕΙΣ, Ulaghátsh patterns with all other Cappadocian varieties in one important aspect: Goal and Location are expressed similarly (by zero in Ulaghátsh, by ΕΙΣ in the other varieties) whereas Source is being kept distinct (expressed by ΑΠΟ in all varieties). Goal-Location polysemy is very common across the world s languages and, most crucially, prevails over other possible polysemies in the tripartite distinction Source Location Goal (Lestrade 2010, Nikitina 2009). Taking into account this empirical observation, our findings suggest that the reorganisation of spatial systems can have a local effect in our case the loss of a member of the prepositional paradigm but will keep the original global picture intact, thus conforming to crosslinguistically robust tendencies. References Croft, W Radical Construction Grammar: Syntactic Theory in Typological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dawkins, R. M Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A Study of the Dialects of Sílli, Cappadocia and Phárasa with Grammar, Texts, Translations and Glossary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haspelmath, M The geometry of grammatical meaning: semantic maps and cross-linguistic comparison. In M. Tomasello (Ed.), The New Psychology of Language, Volume 2. New York: Erlbaum, Lestrade, S The Space of Case. Doctoral dissertation. Radboud University Nijmegen. Nikitina, T Subcategorization pattern and lexical meaning of motion verbs: a study of the source/goal ambiguity. Linguistics 47, Rice, S. & K. Kabata Cross-linguistic grammaticalization patterns of the allative. Linguistic Typology 11,

48 48 6th MGDLT Sinha, C. & T. Kuteva Distributed spatial semantics. Nordic Journal of Linguistics 18:2, Tachibana, T Syntactic structure of spatial expressions in the Late Byzantine Prose Alexander Romance. Propylaia 6, Revisiting the borrowability scale(s) of grammatical elements: evidence from Modern Greek contact induced varieties Dimitra Melissaropoulou & Michalis Marinis University of Patras Borrowability of a wide range of categories and category domains is admittedly a hotly debated issue in language contact studies. In this vein, several hierarchies, well-known as borrowability scales some of them based on specific case studies (e.g. Haugen 1950, Muysken 1981) have been formulated (see among others Moravçsik 1975, 1978; Thomason & Kaufman 1988; Campbell 1993;Thomason 2001; Field 2002; Winford 2003; Elsík and Matras 2006; Matras 2007, 2009) to measure ease of borrowing bearing temporal, implicational, quantitative and probabilistic interpretations irrespectively of the typology of the involved languages, advocating thus a universalist approach to borrowing. The aim of this paper is to offer further insights on the borrowability of grammatical elements, which are usually thought of as less amenable to borrowing due to their nature as structurally cohesive, closed-class items, using as empirical test bed two Modern Greek contact induced varieties. Our data 1 set involves on the one hand, Cappadocian in contact with the agglutinative Altaic Turkish, while, on the other hand, Grico in contact with the semi-fusional analytic Indo-European Italian. More specifically, the questions that are going to be addressed are as follows: a) Do the above mentioned case studies confirm the general outline of the proposed hierarchies concerning borrowability of grammatical elements? Do dialectal data challenge their universal character? To what extent a need of refinement or revision proves to be necessary? 1 The data under investigation are extracted from the available written sources (among others Tommasi 1996, Stomeo 1996, Karanastasis 1997, Rohlfs 1977, Cassoni 1999, Filieri 2001, Dawkins 1916, Mavrochalyvides 1990, Janse forthcoming etc.) as well as from the oral corpora of the Laboratory of Modern Greek dialects at the University of Patras.

49 General session 49 b) What type of constraints (social and/or linguistic) could account for the observed divergence in the borrowability of overt grammatical elements? To this end, our data reveal that the existing scales (cf. Muysken 1981) are not verified raising issues either on the universality of grammatical borrowing or on the existing formulation, thus calling for refinement. For example neither of the systems under scrutiny display borrowed clitic pronouns while they seem to have adapted a vast range of subordinating conjunctions which are thought of as the last items to be borrowed in the relevant hierarchy, many more than the coordinating ones which are ranked relatively higher in the scale. Similar issues arise with respect to borrowability of prepositions. In an effort to account for the observed divergence we propose that apart from factors which relate to the duration and intensity of contact (cf. Thomason and Kaufman 1988; Haspelmath 2008), linguistic constraints, such as the structure of the involved systems and the (in)compatibility factor, play crucial role in the borrowability of grammatical elements. Interestingly, in some cases borrowability of grammatical elements is captured more efficiently when interrelated with grammatical pattern replication (cf. Matras & Sakel 2007). In this spirit, a more generalized version of borrowability scale is advocated, incorporating the proposed constraints in order to be able to capture the cross-linguistic divergence. Findings contribute to our understanding of the long-term consequences of language contact, the universality of borrowing and the dimensions and parameters within it can be pursued. Selected References Campbell, Lyle On proposed universals of grammatical borrowing. In Henk Aertsen & Robert J. Jeffers (eds.), Historical Linguistics 1989, Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Elsík, Viktor and Yaron Matras Markedness and Language Change: The Romani Sample. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Field, Frederic W Linguistic Borrowing in Bilingual Contexts. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Haspelmath, Martin Loanword typology: Steps toward a systematic cross-linguistic study of lexical borrowability. In Thomas Stolz, Dick Bakker & Rosa Salas Palomo (eds.), Aspects of language contact: New theoretical, methodological and empirical findings with special focus on Romancisation processes, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

50 50 6th MGDLT Haugen, Einar The analysis of linguistic borrowing. Language 26, Matras, Yaron The borrowability of grammatical categories. In Yaron Matras & Jeanette Sakel (eds.), Grammatical Borrowing in Cross- Linguistic Perspective, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Matras, Yaron Language Contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Matras, Yaron & Jeanette Sakel Investigating the mechanisms of pattern replication in language convergence. Studies in Language 31, Moravcsik, Edith A Language contact. In Joseph H. Greenberg (ed.), Universals of Human Language, vol. 1: Method and Theory, Stanford: Stanford University Press. Moravcsik, Edith Borrowed verbs. Wiener Linguistische Berichte 8, Muysken, Pieter Halfway between Quechua and Spanish: the case for relexification. In Arnold Highfield & Albert Valdman (eds.), Historicity and Variation in Creole Studies. Ann Arbor: Karoma, pp Myers-Scotton, Carol Contact Linguistics: Bilingual Encounters and Grammatical Outcomes. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Thomason, Sarah G Language Contact: An Introduction. Edinburgh and Washington, DC: Edinburgh University Press and Georgetown University Press. Thomason, Sarah G. & Terrence Kaufman Language Contact, Creolization and Genetic Linguistics. Berkeley: University of California Press. Winford, Donald An Introduction to Contact Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. Thumb's Up! Our Updating of Thumb's Classic Work on Modern Greek Mark Janse 1 and Brian D. Joseph 2 Ghent University 1, Ohio-State University 2 With funding from the Center for Hellenic Studies in Washington, DC, during , we began the first steps toward an updating of Albert Thumb s classic work, Handbuch der neugriechischen Volkssprache, originally published in 1895 (second edition, 1910) in German and then translated into English by Samuel Angus and published in 1912 under the title Handbook of the modern Greek vernacular: grammar, texts, glossary. In this presentation, we report on our overall plan for the updating and on our progress to date, and touch on a particularly important aspect of the

51 General session 51 project for the study of Greek dialects. That is, we found that the variety of Modern Greek which Thumb describes late 19 th century vernacular Greek, treated by Thumb as an emerging κοινή showed greater affinities with varieties that in present-day Greek are found in regional dialects than with anything approximating the present-day demotic κοινή, roughly the standard language as spoken in the capital of Athens and its environs. Thus we document here some of the forms that led us to this assessment, with particular attention to forms within a subclass of neuter nouns, and we discuss them against a backdrop of the Greek language question (το γλωσσικό ζήτημα) and its accompanying language ideology. In particular, we show how they together played a role in the reshaping of present-day demotic in the direction of Classical Greek, thereby leaving older forms to occur today only in regional dialects. The acoustic properties of the vowel system of Pontic: Comparison between the variety of Argiroulopi and the variety of Kerasounda Dimitris Papazachariou University of Patras The aim of this paper is to compare the acoustic characteristics of the vowel systems of two Pontic varieties, as they are spoken by two different groups of Pontic speakers in Greece, one having their origin at Argiroupolis of Pontos, and the second at Kerasounda. Previous studies have presented a variety of Pontic vowel systems, some of them quite complex, with ten different vowel sounds (Οικονομίδης 1958), and some of them with fewer vowels, but at the same time more than the five vowels of the standard Modern Greek (Drettas 1999 & 2000, Ρεβυθιάδου & Σπυρόπουλος 2012, Χατζησαββίδης 1985), suggesting that the above difference could be result of the variation between different Pontic varieties. At the same time, Pontic speakers have lived in Greece for more than 90 years, and even though some of them live in homogeneous speech communities, they have certainly come in contact with standard Greek, as well as with other local Greek dialects. Although Pontic communities are considered quite closed networks, at least until the late 60 s, processes of leveling i.e. the first long-term mechanism that leads to the formulation of a new koine have started immediately afterwards. In our study, we analyzed the casual speech of eight old women, between 78 and 84 years old, four from each group of origin. Although this particular age cannot be involved in processes of a new koine formation, there is an obvious shift of their pontic variety towards the standard Modern

52 52 6th MGDLT Greek. In particular, although both of the groups present a vowel system of six vowel sounds (i.e. [i, e, æ, a o, u]), at the same time, they do not present vowel sounds, which were described by previous scholars (Οικονομιδης 1958, Παπαδόπουλος 1953). References Drettas, G Το ελληνο-ποντιακό διαλεκτικό σύνολο. Στο Διαλεκτικοί θύλακοι της ελληνικής γλώσσας, επιμ. Α.-Φ. Χριστίδης (σε συνεργασία με τη Μ. Αραποπούλου και τη Γ. Γιαννουλοπούλου), Αθήνα: ΥΠΕΠΘ & ΚΕΓ. Drettas, G Η ποντιακή διάλεκτος και η χρησιμότητά της στην παιδαγωγική της σύγχρονης ελληνικής. Στο Η ελληνική γλώσσα και οι διάλεκτοί της, επιμ. Α.-Φ. Χριστίδης (σε συνεργασία με τη Μ. Αραποπούλου και τη Γ. Γιαννουλοπούλου), Αθήνα: ΥΠΕΠΘ & ΚΕΓ. Οικονομίδης, Δ Γραμματική της Ελληνικής διαλέκτου του Πόντου. Αθήνα: Ακαδημία Αθηνών [Παράρτημα 1 περιοδικού Αρχείον Πόντου] Παπαδόπουλος, Α Χαρακτηριστικά της Ποντικής διαλέκτου. Αρχείον Πόντου 18. Αθήνα. Ρεβυθιάδου, Α. & Β. Σπυρόπουλος Οφίτικη: Πτυχές της Γραμματικής Δομής μιας Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου. Θεσσαλονίκη: Αδελφοί Κυριακίδη. Χατζησαββίδης, Σωφρόνης Φωνολογική Ανάλυση της Ποντιακής Διαλέκτου (Ιδίωμα Ματσούκας). Διδακτορική διατριβή, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης. Instances of sibilant palatalization in the dialect of Naousa Ioanna Kappa & Konstantinos Sipitanos University of Crete The dialect of Naousa belongs to the group of semi-northern Greek dialects, thus it only exhibits the phenomenon of unstressed mid vowel raising and lacks in the phenomenon of unstressed high vowel deletion, which is typical in the northern group (Kontosopoulos 1981:70). The present study examines data collected during our field-work in Naousa in Spring Our collected corpus consists of recordings of natural conversational speech of two female speakers of the dialect (Speaker-1, age 83 and Speaker-2, age 86). In this paper we present our findings on the palatalization of sibilants (strident fricatives/affricates) triggered by the following stressed front

53 General session 53 vowels /i/, /e/ and unstressed primary /i/ and secondary [i] (arising from raised underlying /e/). The palatalization is attested (i) in /sv +front / syllables (data 1-5) and (ii) in /scv +front / syllables (data 6-10). In our corpus are also attested cases of sibilant palatalization in /scv- front / syllables, i.e. not in the proper vocalic environment (data in 11). The phonetic realizations of palatalized sibilants, both in CV and CCV syllables, are verified by acoustic measurements. U.R Dialectal (speaker-2) Gloss 1) /pézi/ [péži] (s)he plays 2) /xrisí/ [xriší] Chrisi, proper name 3) /íse/ [íši] (you) are 4) /korítsi/ [kurítši] girls 5) /ksérete/ [kšériti] (you, Pl.) know 6) /kostí/ [kuští] Kosti, proper name 7) /nistía/ [ništía] fasting 8) /ímaste/ [ímašti] (we) are 9) /aróstisa/ [aróštisa] (I) fell ill 10) /spíti/ [špíti] house 11) /anástasi/ [anáštaši] resurrection In the above data (1-5) emerges the sibilant palatalization, which is attested in the most (or even all) northern dialects (cf. Newton 1972, a. o.), and it is triggered by a strictly adjacent (following) front vowel, thus resulting in change of place of articulation (PoA), i.e. the alveolars /s/ and /ts/ shift to postalveolars (palato-alveolars) [š] and [tš] respectively. Along the lines of feature geometry model (Clements 1991) and its further development by Hume (1992), the front vowel spreads its V-Place[cor[-ant]] features to the preceding [+ant] consonant (e.g. /s/) which delinks its original [+ant] PoA and promotes the vocalic [-ant] feature. In the data (6-10) the triggering vowel is not strictly adjacent to the palatalized sibilant, due to an intervening stop, namely a Coronal [+ant] as in (6-9) or Labial unspecified for the feature [ant] as in (10), thus violating the strict adjacency. We assume that the latter stops may not be palatalized due to the action of a language-specific markedness constraint which prohibits secondary palatalizations such *[t j ], *[p j ]. The spreading of Vocalic-Place [-ant]] feature may affect only the strident /s/, changing its anteriority. In the data in (11) it seems that the (properly) palatalized sibilant triggers, at a distance, the palatalization of the sibilant in the preceding [scv- front ] syllable. We assume that the palatalized stridents agree with a

54 54 6th MGDLT sibilant occuring in the preceding syllable to their left (Agreement as Correpondence, Rose & Walker 2004) and intervening oral stops or vowels are transparent. Τhe application of palatalization at distance is optional, emerges in the speech of older generation and it is subject to inter-speaker variation. References Clements, G. N Place of articulation in consonants and vowels: A unified theory. In J. Brugman, A. Riehl (eds.), Working Papers of the Cornell Phonetics Laboratory 5. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Hume, E Front vowels, coronal consonants and their interaction in nonlinear phonology. PhD diss. Cornell University [published in 1994 by Garland.] Kontosopoulos, N Διάλεκτοι και ιδιώματα της Νέας Ελληνικής. Αθήνα. Newton, Β The generative interpretation of dialect. A study of Modern Greek phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rose, S. & R. Walker A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80, The Cretan fall: an analysis of the declarative intonation melody in the Cretan dialect Mary Baltazani 1 & Evia Kainada 2 University of Oxford 1, University of Ioannina 1, 2 The recent rise of interest in intonational variation (e.g., Grabe et al. 2000; Arvaniti & Garding 2007; Ladd et al. 2009; Leemann & Zuberbühler 2010) provides insights into two directions: on a descriptive level it showcases intonational differences among dialects of a language; on a theoretical level, it uses these differences as probes on the typology and phonology of intonation. Modern Greek still lacks substantial research on cross-dialectal intonation differences. We present instrumental evidence for differences between Cretan Greek (CrG) and other Greek varieties (Standard Modern Greek (SMG), Cypriot Greek (CyG), Ipiros Greek (IG)) in the realization of broad focus declarative utterances. Our analysis, couched within the framework of Autosegmental- Metrical (AM) phonology, follows the guidelines of GRToBI (Arvaniti & Baltazani 2005). Our corpus contains ten hours of spontaneous speech of 10 speakers from a rural area in the county of Heraclion, Crete (5M, 5F X 1

55 General session 55 hour each). Each speaker talks freely about personal experiences and their past. The melody of broad focus declarative utterances, the well-known fall from high pitch at the end of an utterance, has been described as either H* L-L% or H*+L L-L% for SMG. This melody is shared by many Greek dialects, e.g. CyG and IG. CrG, however, while it still employs a fall from a high pitch as a marker of declaratives, differs significantly from SMG. We analyse the nuclear pitch accent in CrG as H+L*. The difference between SMG s H*+L and CrG s H+L* resides on the location of the fall (Figure 1, right and left respectively); while for SMG the fall reaches the bottom of the speaker s voice at the end of the accented syllable ([le] of [ti lefono]), in CrG the fall is completed early in the accented syllable ([ɣa] of [me ɣalos]) and for the rest of the accented syllable there is a low plateau, suggesting that the L tone is the head of the bitonal HL pitch accent. This creates a markedly and strikingly different tune from the other melodies of Greek, rendering it easily recognizable as Cretan. What is the origin of this tune? Why does CrG differ from most Greek dialects which share the same nuclear pitch accent for broad focus declaratives? We argue that one possible reason behind this difference is contact with Italian during four centuries of Venetian occupation of Crete. Italian has the H+L* nuclear pitch accent for broad focus declaratives (e.g. Ladd 2008). Although language contact studies commonly discuss lexical or morphological influences, there are reports of intonation transfer between languages in contact that belong to different families, e.g. Turkish and German (Queen 2001) and Quechua and Spanish (O Rourke 2003). Moreover, contact induced transfer of the steep fall (H+L*) is reported between Italian and Argentinian Spanish (Colantoni & Gurlekian 2004). Aside from its descriptive purpose, the present paper highlights how cross-dialectal studies of intonation can enrich our understanding not only of the typology and phonology of intonation, but also of the mechanisms of